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The ascendancy of [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] in 1933 led further toward what historians now describe as the [[Imperial Presidency|Imperial presidency]].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://archive.org/details/imperialpresiden00schl|title=The Imperial Presidency|last=Schlesinger| first=Arthur M. Jr. |date=1973|publisher=Houghton Mifflin|others=Frank and Virginia Williams Collection of Lincolniana (Mississippi State University. Libraries)|isbn=0-395-17713-8|location=Boston|pages=x|oclc=704887|author-link=Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.|url-access=registration}}</ref> Backed by enormous Democratic majorities in Congress and public support for major change, Roosevelt's [[New Deal]] dramatically increased the size and scope of the federal government, including more executive agencies.<ref name=JohnYooFDR>{{cite journal |last1=Yoo |first1=John |title=Franklin Roosevelt and Presidential Power |journal=Chapman Law Review |date=February 14, 2018 |volume=21 |issue=1 |page=205 |ssrn=3123894 |url=https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3123894}}</ref>{{rp|211–12}} The traditionally small presidential staff was greatly expanded, with the [[Executive Office of the President]] being created in 1939, none of whom require Senate confirmation.<ref name=JohnYooFDR />{{rp|229–231}} Roosevelt's unprecedented re-election to a third and fourth term, the victory of the United States in [[World War II]], and the nation's growing economy all helped established the office as a position of global leadership.<ref name=JohnYooFDR />{{rp|269}} His successors, [[Harry Truman]] and [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], each served two terms as the [[Cold War]] led the presidency to be viewed as the "[[leader of the free world]]",<ref>Tierney, Dominic (January 24, 2017). [https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/01/trump-free-world-leader/514232/ "What Does It Mean That Trump Is 'Leader of the Free World'?"]. ''[[The Atlantic]]''.</ref> while [[John F. Kennedy]] was a youthful and popular leader who benefited from the rise of television in the 1960s.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Eschner |first1=Kat |title=A Year Before His Presidential Debate, JFK Foresaw How TV Would Change Politics |url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/what-jfk-had-say-about-tv-politics-180967172/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Smithsonian Magazine |date=November 14, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Simon |first1=Ron |title=See How JFK Created a Presidency for the Television Age |url=https://time.com/4795637/jfk-television/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Time |date=May 29, 2017}}</ref>
The ascendancy of [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] in 1933 led further toward what historians now describe as the [[Imperial Presidency|Imperial presidency]].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://archive.org/details/imperialpresiden00schl|title=The Imperial Presidency|last=Schlesinger| first=Arthur M. Jr. |date=1973|publisher=Houghton Mifflin|others=Frank and Virginia Williams Collection of Lincolniana (Mississippi State University. Libraries)|isbn=0-395-17713-8|location=Boston|pages=x|oclc=704887|author-link=Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.|url-access=registration}}</ref> Backed by enormous Democratic majorities in Congress and public support for major change, Roosevelt's [[New Deal]] dramatically increased the size and scope of the federal government, including more executive agencies.<ref name=JohnYooFDR>{{cite journal |last1=Yoo |first1=John |title=Franklin Roosevelt and Presidential Power |journal=Chapman Law Review |date=February 14, 2018 |volume=21 |issue=1 |page=205 |ssrn=3123894 |url=https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3123894}}</ref>{{rp|211–12}} The traditionally small presidential staff was greatly expanded, with the [[Executive Office of the President]] being created in 1939, none of whom require Senate confirmation.<ref name=JohnYooFDR />{{rp|229–231}} Roosevelt's unprecedented re-election to a third and fourth term, the victory of the United States in [[World War II]], and the nation's growing economy all helped established the office as a position of global leadership.<ref name=JohnYooFDR />{{rp|269}} His successors, [[Harry Truman]] and [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], each served two terms as the [[Cold War]] led the presidency to be viewed as the "[[leader of the free world]]",<ref>Tierney, Dominic (January 24, 2017). [https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/01/trump-free-world-leader/514232/ "What Does It Mean That Trump Is 'Leader of the Free World'?"]. ''[[The Atlantic]]''.</ref> while [[John F. Kennedy]] was a youthful and popular leader who benefited from the rise of television in the 1960s.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Eschner |first1=Kat |title=A Year Before His Presidential Debate, JFK Foresaw How TV Would Change Politics |url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/what-jfk-had-say-about-tv-politics-180967172/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Smithsonian Magazine |date=November 14, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Simon |first1=Ron |title=See How JFK Created a Presidency for the Television Age |url=https://time.com/4795637/jfk-television/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Time |date=May 29, 2017}}</ref>


After [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] lost popular support due to the [[Vietnam War]] and [[Richard Nixon]]'s presidency collapsed in the [[Watergate scandal]], Congress enacted a series of reforms intended to reassert itself.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Wallach |first1=Philip |title=When Congress won the American people's respect: Watergate |url=https://www.legbranch.org/2018-4-25-when-congress-won-the-american-peoples-respect-watergate/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=LegBranch.org |date=April 26, 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Berger |first1=Sam |last2=Tausanovitch |first2=Alex |title=Lessons From Watergate |url=https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/democracy/reports/2018/07/30/454058/lessons-from-watergate/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Center for American Progress |date=July 30, 2018}}</ref> These included the [[War Powers Resolution]], enacted over Nixon's veto in 1973,<ref>{{USStat|87|555}}, 559–560.</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Madden |first1=Richard |title=House and Senate Override Veto by Nixon on Curb of War Powers; Backers of Bill Win 3-Year Fight |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1973/11/08/archives/house-and-senate-override-veto-by-nixon-on-curb-of-war-powers.html |access-date=September 12, 2020 |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=November 8, 1973}}</ref> and the [[Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974]] that sought to strengthen congressional fiscal powers.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Glass |first1=Andrew |title=Budget and Impoundment Control Act becomes law, July 12, 1974 |url=https://www.politico.com/story/2017/07/12/budget-and-impoundment-control-act-becomes-law-july-12-1974-240372 |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Politico |date=July 12, 2017}}</ref> By 1976, [[Gerald Ford]] conceded that "the historic pendulum" had swung toward Congress, raising the possibility of a "disruptive" erosion of his ability to govern.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Shabecoff |first1=Philip |title=Presidency Is Found Weaker Under Ford |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1976/03/28/archives/presidency-is-found-weaker-under-ford-curbs-on-exerting-power-seen.html |access-date=September 9, 2020 |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=March 28, 1976}}</ref> Ford failed to win election to a full term and his successor, [[Jimmy Carter]], failed to win re-election.  [[Ronald Reagan]], who had been an actor before beginning his political career, used his talent as a communicator to help reshape the American agenda away from New Deal policies toward more conservative ideology.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Edwards |first1=Lee |title=What Made Reagan a Truly Great Communicator |url=https://www.heritage.org/conservatism/commentary/what-made-reagan-truly-great-communicator |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=The Heritage Foundation |date=February 5, 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Brands |first1=H. W. |title=What Reagan Learned from FDR |url=https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/159389 |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=History News Network}}</ref>
After [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] lost popular support due to the [[Vietnam War]] and [[Richard Nixon]]'s presidency collapsed in the [[Watergate scandal]], Congress enacted a series of reforms intended to reassert itself.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Wallach |first1=Philip |title=When Congress won the American people's respect: Watergate |url=https://www.legbranch.org/2018-4-25-when-congress-won-the-american-peoples-respect-watergate/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=LegBranch.org |date=April 26, 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Berger |first1=Sam |last2=Tausanovitch |first2=Alex |title=Lessons From Watergate |url=https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/democracy/reports/2018/07/30/454058/lessons-from-watergate/ |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Center for American Progress |date=July 30, 2018}}</ref> These included the [[War Powers Resolution]], enacted over Nixon's veto in 1973,<ref>{{USStat|87|555}}, 559–560.</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Madden |first1=Richard |title=House and Senate Override Veto by Nixon on Curb of War Powers; Backers of Bill Win 3-Year Fight |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1973/11/08/archives/house-and-senate-override-veto-by-nixon-on-curb-of-war-powers.html |access-date=September 12, 2020 |work=The New York Times |date=November 8, 1973}}</ref> and the [[Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974]] that sought to strengthen congressional fiscal powers.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Glass |first1=Andrew |title=Budget and Impoundment Control Act becomes law, July 12, 1974 |url=https://www.politico.com/story/2017/07/12/budget-and-impoundment-control-act-becomes-law-july-12-1974-240372 |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=Politico |date=July 12, 2017}}</ref> By 1976, [[Gerald Ford]] conceded that "the historic pendulum" had swung toward Congress, raising the possibility of a "disruptive" erosion of his ability to govern.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Shabecoff |first1=Philip |title=Presidency Is Found Weaker Under Ford |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1976/03/28/archives/presidency-is-found-weaker-under-ford-curbs-on-exerting-power-seen.html |access-date=September 9, 2020 |work=The New York Times |date=March 28, 1976}}</ref> Ford failed to win election to a full term and his successor, [[Jimmy Carter]], failed to win re-election.  [[Ronald Reagan]], who had been an actor before beginning his political career, used his talent as a communicator to help reshape the American agenda away from New Deal policies toward more conservative ideology.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Edwards |first1=Lee |title=What Made Reagan a Truly Great Communicator |url=https://www.heritage.org/conservatism/commentary/what-made-reagan-truly-great-communicator |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=The Heritage Foundation |date=February 5, 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Brands |first1=H. W. |title=What Reagan Learned from FDR |url=https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/159389 |access-date=September 12, 2020 |publisher=History News Network}}</ref>


With the Cold War ending and the United States becoming the world's undisputed leading power,<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Sorensen |first1=Theodore |title=America's First Post-Cold War President |journal=Foreign Affairs |date=Fall 1992 |volume=71 |issue=4 |pages=13–30 |doi=10.2307/20045307 |jstor=20045307 |url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1992-09-01/americas-first-post-cold-war-president}}</ref> [[Bill Clinton]], [[George W. Bush]], and [[Barack Obama]] each served two terms as president. Meanwhile, Congress and the nation gradually became more politically polarized, especially following the [[1994 United States elections|1994 mid-term elections]] that saw Republicans control the House for the first time in 40 years, and the rise of routine [[Filibuster in the United States Senate|filibusters]] in the Senate in recent decades.<ref>Barber, Michael; McCarty, Nolan (2013), [https://www.apsanet.org/portals/54/Files/Task%20Force%20Reports/Chapter2Mansbridge.pdf Causes and Consequences of Polarization] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210114193351/https://www.apsanet.org/portals/54/Files/Task%20Force%20Reports/Chapter2Mansbridge.pdf |date=January 14, 2021 }}, American Political Science Association Task Force on Negotiating Agreement in Politics report, at 19–20, 37–38.</ref> Recent presidents have thus increasingly focused on [[executive order]]s, agency regulations, and judicial appointments to implement major policies, at the expense of legislation and congressional power.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Rudalevige |first1=Andrew |title=The Letter of the Law: Administrative Discretion and Obama's Domestic Unilateralism |journal=The Forum |date=April 1, 2014 |volume=12 |issue=1 |pages=29–59 |doi=10.1515/for-2014-0023 |s2cid=145237493 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Presidential elections in the 21st century have reflected this continuing polarization, with no candidate except Obama in 2008 winning by more than five percent of the popular vote and two, George W. Bush and [[Donald Trump]], winning in the Electoral College while losing the popular vote.{{efn-ua|See [[List of United States presidential elections by popular vote margin]].}}
With the Cold War ending and the United States becoming the world's undisputed leading power,<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Sorensen |first1=Theodore |title=America's First Post-Cold War President |journal=Foreign Affairs |date=Fall 1992 |volume=71 |issue=4 |pages=13–30 |doi=10.2307/20045307 |jstor=20045307 |url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1992-09-01/americas-first-post-cold-war-president}}</ref> [[Bill Clinton]], [[George W. Bush]], and [[Barack Obama]] each served two terms as president. Meanwhile, Congress and the nation gradually became more politically polarized, especially following the [[1994 United States elections|1994 mid-term elections]] that saw Republicans control the House for the first time in 40 years, and the rise of routine [[Filibuster in the United States Senate|filibusters]] in the Senate in recent decades.<ref>Barber, Michael; McCarty, Nolan (2013), [https://www.apsanet.org/portals/54/Files/Task%20Force%20Reports/Chapter2Mansbridge.pdf Causes and Consequences of Polarization] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210114193351/https://www.apsanet.org/portals/54/Files/Task%20Force%20Reports/Chapter2Mansbridge.pdf |date=January 14, 2021 }}, American Political Science Association Task Force on Negotiating Agreement in Politics report, at 19–20, 37–38.</ref> Recent presidents have thus increasingly focused on [[executive order]]s, agency regulations, and judicial appointments to implement major policies, at the expense of legislation and congressional power.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Rudalevige |first1=Andrew |title=The Letter of the Law: Administrative Discretion and Obama's Domestic Unilateralism |journal=The Forum |date=April 1, 2014 |volume=12 |issue=1 |pages=29–59 |doi=10.1515/for-2014-0023 |s2cid=145237493 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Presidential elections in the 21st century have reflected this continuing polarization, with no candidate except Obama in 2008 winning by more than five percent of the popular vote and two, George W. Bush and [[Donald Trump]], winning in the Electoral College while losing the popular vote.{{efn-ua|See [[List of United States presidential elections by popular vote margin]].}}
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Two doctrines concerning executive power have developed that enable the president to exercise executive power with a degree of autonomy. The first is [[executive privilege]], which allows the president to withhold from disclosure any communications made directly to the president in the performance of executive duties. George Washington first claimed the privilege when Congress requested to see [[Chief Justice of the United States|Chief Justice]] [[John Jay]]'s notes from an unpopular treaty negotiation with [[Kingdom of Great Britain|Great Britain]]. While not enshrined in the Constitution or any other law, Washington's action created the precedent for the privilege. When [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] tried to use executive privilege as a reason for not turning over subpoenaed evidence to Congress during the [[Watergate scandal]], the Supreme Court ruled in ''[[United States v. Nixon]]'', {{ussc|418|683|1974}}, that executive privilege did not apply in cases where a president was attempting to avoid criminal prosecution. When Bill Clinton attempted to use executive privilege regarding the [[Clinton–Lewinsky scandal|Lewinsky scandal]], the Supreme Court ruled in ''[[Clinton v. Jones]]'', {{ussc|520|681|1997}}, that the privilege also could not be used in civil suits. These cases established the [[Precedent|legal precedent]] that executive privilege is valid, although the exact extent of the privilege has yet to be clearly defined. Additionally, federal courts have allowed this privilege to radiate outward and protect other executive branch employees but have weakened that protection for those executive branch communications that do not involve the president.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/06/executive_privilege.html |title=Executive Privilege 101 |last=Millhiser, Ian |date=June 1, 2010 |publisher=Center for American Progress |access-date=October 8, 2010 |archive-date=June 9, 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100609224239/http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/06/executive_privilege.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>
Two doctrines concerning executive power have developed that enable the president to exercise executive power with a degree of autonomy. The first is [[executive privilege]], which allows the president to withhold from disclosure any communications made directly to the president in the performance of executive duties. George Washington first claimed the privilege when Congress requested to see [[Chief Justice of the United States|Chief Justice]] [[John Jay]]'s notes from an unpopular treaty negotiation with [[Kingdom of Great Britain|Great Britain]]. While not enshrined in the Constitution or any other law, Washington's action created the precedent for the privilege. When [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] tried to use executive privilege as a reason for not turning over subpoenaed evidence to Congress during the [[Watergate scandal]], the Supreme Court ruled in ''[[United States v. Nixon]]'', {{ussc|418|683|1974}}, that executive privilege did not apply in cases where a president was attempting to avoid criminal prosecution. When Bill Clinton attempted to use executive privilege regarding the [[Clinton–Lewinsky scandal|Lewinsky scandal]], the Supreme Court ruled in ''[[Clinton v. Jones]]'', {{ussc|520|681|1997}}, that the privilege also could not be used in civil suits. These cases established the [[Precedent|legal precedent]] that executive privilege is valid, although the exact extent of the privilege has yet to be clearly defined. Additionally, federal courts have allowed this privilege to radiate outward and protect other executive branch employees but have weakened that protection for those executive branch communications that do not involve the president.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/06/executive_privilege.html |title=Executive Privilege 101 |last=Millhiser, Ian |date=June 1, 2010 |publisher=Center for American Progress |access-date=October 8, 2010 |archive-date=June 9, 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100609224239/http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/06/executive_privilege.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>


The [[state secrets privilege]] allows the president and the executive branch to withhold information or documents from [[Discovery (law)|discovery]] in legal proceedings if such release would harm [[national security]]. Precedent for the privilege arose early in the 19th century when [[Thomas Jefferson]] refused to release military documents in the [[treason]] trial of [[Aaron Burr]] and again in ''[[Totten v. United States]]'' {{ussc|92|105|1876}}, when the Supreme Court dismissed a case brought by a former Union spy.<ref>{{cite case |url=https://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-9th-circuit/1537579.html |title=Mohamed v. Jeppesen Dataplan |chapter=Part III |via=FindLaw |access-date=November 29, 2010}}</ref> However, the privilege was not formally recognized by the U.S. Supreme Court until ''[[United States v. Reynolds]]'' {{ussc|345|1|1953}}, where it was held to be a [[common law]] [[Evidence (law)|evidentiary]] privilege.<ref name="ACS">{{Cite web |url=https://www.acslaw.org/issue_brief/briefs-2007-2011/reforming-the-state-secrets-privilege/ |title=Reforming the State Secrets Privilege |last1=Frost |first1=Amanda |last2=Florence |first2=Justin |year=2009 |publisher=[[American Constitution Society]] |access-date=November 9, 2017}}</ref> Before the [[September 11 attacks]], use of the privilege had been rare, but increasing in frequency.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Weaver |first1=William G. |last2=Pallitto |first2=Robert M. |year=2005 |title=State Secrets and Executive Power |journal=[[Political Science Quarterly]] |volume=120 |issue=1 |pages=85–112 |doi=10.1002/j.1538-165x.2005.tb00539.x |quote=Use of the state secrets privilege in courts has grown significantly over the last twenty-five years. In the twenty-three years between the decision in Reynolds [1953] and the election of Jimmy Carter, in 1976, there were four reported cases in which the government invoked the privilege. Between 1977 and 2001, there were a total of fifty-one reported cases in which courts ruled on invocation of the privilege. Because reported cases represent only a fraction of the total cases in which the privilege is invoked or implicated, it is unclear precisely how dramatically the use of the privilege has grown. But the increase in reported cases is indicative of greater willingness to assert the privilege than in the past.}}</ref> Since 2001, the government has asserted the privilege in more cases and at earlier stages of the litigation, thus in some instances causing dismissal of the suits before reaching the merits of the claims, as in the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit|Ninth Circuit]]'s ruling in ''[[Mohamed v. Jeppesen Dataplan, Inc.]]''<ref name="ACS" /><ref>{{Cite news |last=Savage |first=Charlie |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/09/us/09secrets.html |title=Court Dismisses a Case Asserting Torture by C.I.A. |date=September 8, 2010 |work=[[The New York Times]] |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Finn |first=Peter |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/09/08/AR2010090807334.html |title=Suit dismissed against firm in CIA rendition case |date=September 9, 2010 |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref> Critics of the privilege claim its use has become a tool for the government to cover up illegal or embarrassing government actions.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2009/02/10/obama |title=The 180-degree reversal of Obama's State Secrets position |last=Glenn Greenwald |author-link=Glenn Greenwald |date=February 10, 2009 |website=Salon |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.aclu.org/national-security/background-state-secrets-privilege |title=Background on the State Secrets Privilege |date=January 31, 2007 |publisher=[[American Civil Liberties Union]] |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref>
The [[state secrets privilege]] allows the president and the executive branch to withhold information or documents from [[Discovery (law)|discovery]] in legal proceedings if such release would harm [[national security]]. Precedent for the privilege arose early in the 19th century when [[Thomas Jefferson]] refused to release military documents in the [[treason]] trial of [[Aaron Burr]] and again in ''[[Totten v. United States]]'' {{ussc|92|105|1876}}, when the Supreme Court dismissed a case brought by a former Union spy.<ref>{{cite case |url=https://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-9th-circuit/1537579.html |title=Mohamed v. Jeppesen Dataplan |chapter=Part III |via=FindLaw |access-date=November 29, 2010}}</ref> However, the privilege was not formally recognized by the U.S. Supreme Court until ''[[United States v. Reynolds]]'' {{ussc|345|1|1953}}, where it was held to be a [[common law]] [[Evidence (law)|evidentiary]] privilege.<ref name="ACS">{{Cite web |url=https://www.acslaw.org/issue_brief/briefs-2007-2011/reforming-the-state-secrets-privilege/ |title=Reforming the State Secrets Privilege |last1=Frost |first1=Amanda |last2=Florence |first2=Justin |year=2009 |publisher=[[American Constitution Society]] |access-date=November 9, 2017}}</ref> Before the [[September 11 attacks]], use of the privilege had been rare, but increasing in frequency.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Weaver |first1=William G. |last2=Pallitto |first2=Robert M. |year=2005 |title=State Secrets and Executive Power |journal=[[Political Science Quarterly]] |volume=120 |issue=1 |pages=85–112 |doi=10.1002/j.1538-165x.2005.tb00539.x |quote=Use of the state secrets privilege in courts has grown significantly over the last twenty-five years. In the twenty-three years between the decision in Reynolds [1953] and the election of Jimmy Carter, in 1976, there were four reported cases in which the government invoked the privilege. Between 1977 and 2001, there were a total of fifty-one reported cases in which courts ruled on invocation of the privilege. Because reported cases represent only a fraction of the total cases in which the privilege is invoked or implicated, it is unclear precisely how dramatically the use of the privilege has grown. But the increase in reported cases is indicative of greater willingness to assert the privilege than in the past.}}</ref> Since 2001, the government has asserted the privilege in more cases and at earlier stages of the litigation, thus in some instances causing dismissal of the suits before reaching the merits of the claims, as in the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit|Ninth Circuit]]'s ruling in ''[[Mohamed v. Jeppesen Dataplan, Inc.]]''<ref name="ACS" /><ref>{{Cite news |last=Savage |first=Charlie |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/09/us/09secrets.html |title=Court Dismisses a Case Asserting Torture by C.I.A. |date=September 8, 2010 |work=The New York Times |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Finn |first=Peter |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/09/08/AR2010090807334.html |title=Suit dismissed against firm in CIA rendition case |date=September 9, 2010 |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref> Critics of the privilege claim its use has become a tool for the government to cover up illegal or embarrassing government actions.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2009/02/10/obama |title=The 180-degree reversal of Obama's State Secrets position |last=Glenn Greenwald |author-link=Glenn Greenwald |date=February 10, 2009 |website=Salon |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.aclu.org/national-security/background-state-secrets-privilege |title=Background on the State Secrets Privilege |date=January 31, 2007 |publisher=[[American Civil Liberties Union]] |access-date=October 8, 2010}}</ref>


The degree to which the president personally has [[absolute immunity]] from court cases is contested and has been the subject of several Supreme Court decisions. ''[[Nixon v. Fitzgerald]]'' (1982) dismissed a civil lawsuit against by-then former president Richard Nixon based on his official actions. ''[[Clinton v. Jones]]'' (1997) decided that a president has no immunity against civil suits for actions taken before becoming president and ruled that a sexual harassment suit could proceed without delay, even against a sitting president. The 2019 [[Mueller report]] on Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election detailed evidence of possible [[obstruction of justice]], but investigators declined to refer [[Donald Trump]] for prosecution based on a [[United States Department of Justice]] policy against indicting an incumbent president. The report noted that impeachment by Congress was available as a remedy. As of October 2019, a case was pending in the federal courts regarding access to personal tax returns in a criminal case brought against Donald Trump by the [[New York County District Attorney]] alleging violations of New York state law.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.npr.org/2019/10/07/767830713/federal-judge-rules-trump-must-hand-over-8-years-of-tax-returns|title=President Trump Doesn't Need To Release His Tax Returns — For Now|website=[[NPR]]|date=October 7, 2019|access-date=April 28, 2020|last1=Brown|first1=Tanya Ballard}}</ref>
The degree to which the president personally has [[absolute immunity]] from court cases is contested and has been the subject of several Supreme Court decisions. ''[[Nixon v. Fitzgerald]]'' (1982) dismissed a civil lawsuit against by-then former president Richard Nixon based on his official actions. ''[[Clinton v. Jones]]'' (1997) decided that a president has no immunity against civil suits for actions taken before becoming president and ruled that a sexual harassment suit could proceed without delay, even against a sitting president. The 2019 [[Mueller report]] on Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election detailed evidence of possible [[obstruction of justice]], but investigators declined to refer [[Donald Trump]] for prosecution based on a [[United States Department of Justice]] policy against indicting an incumbent president. The report noted that impeachment by Congress was available as a remedy. As of October 2019, a case was pending in the federal courts regarding access to personal tax returns in a criminal case brought against Donald Trump by the [[New York County District Attorney]] alleging violations of New York state law.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.npr.org/2019/10/07/767830713/federal-judge-rules-trump-must-hand-over-8-years-of-tax-returns|title=President Trump Doesn't Need To Release His Tax Returns — For Now|website=[[NPR]]|date=October 7, 2019|access-date=April 28, 2020|last1=Brown|first1=Tanya Ballard}}</ref>