Defense Intelligence Agency: Difference between revisions

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{{Organization
|OrganizationName=Defense Intelligence Agency
|OrganizationType=Intelligence Agencies
|Mission=The mission of the DIA is to provide military intelligence to warfighters, defense policymakers, and force planners in the Department of Defense and the Intelligence Community, ensuring a comprehensive understanding of foreign military capabilities and intentions to support national security.
|ParentOrganization=Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence and Security
|TopOrganization=Department of Defense
|CreationLegislation=Department of Defense Directive 5105.21
|Employees=17000
|Budget=Approximately $4.9 billion (fiscal year 2023)
|OrganizationExecutive=Director
|Services=Military Intelligence; Analysis; Collection; Counterintelligence; Defense Attaché System; Scientific and Technical Intelligence
|HeadquartersLocation=38.84663, -77.01295
|HeadquartersAddress=200 MacDill Blvd, Washington, DC 20340, USA
|Website=https://www.dia.mil
}}
{{Short description|U.S. DoD combat support agency}}
{{Short description|U.S. DoD combat support agency}}
{{for|other organizations with similar names|Defence Intelligence Agency (disambiguation)}}
 
{{Use mdy dates|date=July 2016}}
{{Infobox government agency
{{Infobox government agency
| agency_name    = Defense Intelligence Agency
| agency_name    = Defense Intelligence Agency
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==History==
==History==
[[File:Robert McNamara official portrait.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Robert McNamara]], founder of the DIA]]From [[World War II]] until the creation of DIA in 1961, the three Military Departments collected, produced and distributed their intelligence for individual use. This turned out to be duplicative, costly, and ineffective as each department provided their own, often conflicting estimates to the [[United States Secretary of Defense|Secretary of Defense]] and other Federal agencies.<ref name="DIA History">[https://www.fas.org/irp/dia/dia_history_2007.pdf A History of the Defense Intelligence Agency]. DIA Office of Historical Research, 2007. Retrieved: September 25, 2013.</ref> While the [[Defense Reorganization Act of 1958]] aimed to correct these deficiencies, the intelligence responsibilities remained unclear, the coordination was poor and the results fell short of national reliability and focus. As a result of this poor organization, President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] appointed the Joint Study Group in 1960 to find better ways for organizing the nation's [[military intelligence]] activities.<ref name="DIA History" />
[[File:Robert McNamara official portrait.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Robert McNamara]], founder of the DIA]]From [[World War II]] until the creation of DIA in 1961, the three Military Departments collected, produced and distributed their intelligence for individual use. This turned out to be duplicative, costly, and ineffective as each department provided their own, often conflicting estimates to the [[United States Secretary of Defense|Secretary of Defense]] and other Federal agencies.<ref name="DIA History">[https://www.fas.org/irp/dia/dia_history_2007.pdf A History of the Defense Intelligence Agency]. DIA Office of Historical Research, 2007. Retrieved: September 25, 2013.</ref> While the [[Defense Reorganization Act of 1958]] aimed to correct these deficiencies, the intelligence responsibilities remained unclear, the coordination was poor and the results fell short of national reliability and focus. As a result of this poor organization, President Dwight D. Eisenhower appointed the Joint Study Group in 1960 to find better ways for organizing the nation's [[military intelligence]] activities.<ref name="DIA History" />


Acting on the recommendations of the Joint Study Group, Defense Secretary [[Robert S. McNamara]] advised the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] (JCS) of his decision to establish the DIA in February 1961. He ordered them to develop a plan that would integrate all the military intelligence of the DoD, a move that met strong resistance from the service intelligence units, whose commanders viewed DIA as undesirable encroachment on their turf. Despite this resistance, during the spring and summer of 1961, as [[Cold War]] tensions flared over the [[Berlin Wall]], [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] Lieutenant General [[Joseph Carroll (DIA)|Joseph Carroll]] took the lead in planning and organizing this new agency. The JCS published Directive 5105.21, "Defense Intelligence Agency" on August 1, and DIA began operations with a handful of employees in borrowed office space on October 1, 1961.<ref name="DIA History" />
Acting on the recommendations of the Joint Study Group, Defense Secretary [[Robert S. McNamara]] advised the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] (JCS) of his decision to establish the DIA in February 1961. He ordered them to develop a plan that would integrate all the military intelligence of the DoD, a move that met strong resistance from the service intelligence units, whose commanders viewed DIA as undesirable encroachment on their turf. Despite this resistance, during the spring and summer of 1961, as [[Cold War]] tensions flared over the [[Berlin Wall]], [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] Lieutenant General [[Joseph Carroll (DIA)|Joseph Carroll]] took the lead in planning and organizing this new agency. The JCS published Directive 5105.21, "Defense Intelligence Agency" on August 1, and DIA began operations with a handful of employees in borrowed office space on October 1, 1961.<ref name="DIA History" />
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[[File:Defense Intelligence Agency headquarters.JPEG|thumb|left|In the 1980s, DIA moved into the newly built [[Defense Intelligence Agency Headquarters]] (seen here in 1988), which now represents only one wing of the sprawling complex.]]
[[File:Defense Intelligence Agency headquarters.JPEG|thumb|left|In the 1980s, DIA moved into the newly built [[Defense Intelligence Agency Headquarters]] (seen here in 1988), which now represents only one wing of the sprawling complex.]]


Although there were previous attempts to establish such a DoD level espionage organization, there was no authorization document by which it could be established. This changed when Gregory Davis, a military intelligence officer, defined and established a clandestine services program under the [[United States Southern Command|U.S. Southern Command]]'s "Plan Green". The program was then authorized by JCS Chairman John Vessey, and sanctioned by the [[United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence|Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] ("SSCI"), with the sponsorship of Senator [[Jesse Helms]] (R-NC) and Senator [[Barry Goldwater]] (R-AZ). The [[Goldwater–Nichols Act|Goldwater–Nichols DoD Reorganization Act]] was crafted partly to force military officers to serve in a Joint Services assignment in order to qualify for flag rank—ensuring the future of case officers from each Service. The clandestine organization within DIA grew and flourished, and was cited by the SSCI for its intelligence achievements. Personnel selection and training were rigorous, and the case officers were notable for their advanced educations, area knowledge, and multilingual capabilities. The program was partially gutted under President [[Bill Clinton]] as he foresaw no conflict which would justify its existence, but, it was resurrected under President [[George W. Bush]].<ref name="DIA History" />
Although there were previous attempts to establish such a DoD level espionage organization, there was no authorization document by which it could be established. This changed when Gregory Davis, a military intelligence officer, defined and established a clandestine services program under the [[United States Southern Command|U.S. Southern Command]]'s "Plan Green". The program was then authorized by JCS Chairman John Vessey, and sanctioned by the [[United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence|Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] ("SSCI"), with the sponsorship of Senator [[Jesse Helms]] (R-NC) and Senator [[Barry Goldwater]] (R-AZ). The [[Goldwater–Nichols Act|Goldwater–Nichols DoD Reorganization Act]] was crafted partly to force military officers to serve in a Joint Services assignment in order to qualify for flag rank—ensuring the future of case officers from each Service. The clandestine organization within DIA grew and flourished, and was cited by the SSCI for its intelligence achievements. Personnel selection and training were rigorous, and the case officers were notable for their advanced educations, area knowledge, and multilingual capabilities. The program was partially gutted under President [[Bill Clinton]] as he foresaw no conflict which would justify its existence, but, it was resurrected under President George W. Bush.<ref name="DIA History" />


Designated a [[combat support agency]] under the Goldwater–Nichols Act, DIA moved to increase cooperation with the Unified & Specified Commands and to begin developing a body of joint intelligence doctrine. Intelligence support to U.S. allies in the [[Middle East]] intensified as the Iran–Iraq War spilled into the [[Persian Gulf]]. DIA provided significant intelligence support to [[Operation Earnest Will]] while closely monitoring incidents such as the Iraqi rocket attack on the {{USS|Stark}}, the destruction of Iranian oil platforms, and Iranian attacks on Kuwaiti oil tankers. The [[Toyota War|"Toyota War" between Libya and Chad]] and the turmoil in [[Haiti]] added to DIA's heavy production workload, as did unrest in other parts of [[Latin America]], [[Somalia]], [[Ethiopia]], [[Burma]], [[Pakistan]], and the [[Philippines]].<ref name="DIA History" />
Designated a [[combat support agency]] under the Goldwater–Nichols Act, DIA moved to increase cooperation with the Unified & Specified Commands and to begin developing a body of joint intelligence doctrine. Intelligence support to U.S. allies in the [[Middle East]] intensified as the Iran–Iraq War spilled into the [[Persian Gulf]]. DIA provided significant intelligence support to [[Operation Earnest Will]] while closely monitoring incidents such as the Iraqi rocket attack on the {{USS|Stark}}, the destruction of Iranian oil platforms, and Iranian attacks on Kuwaiti oil tankers. The [[Toyota War|"Toyota War" between Libya and Chad]] and the turmoil in [[Haiti]] added to DIA's heavy production workload, as did unrest in other parts of [[Latin America]], [[Somalia]], [[Ethiopia]], [[Burma]], [[Pakistan]], and the [[Philippines]].<ref name="DIA History" />
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== Budget and personnel ==
== Budget and personnel ==
DIA's budget and exact personnel numbers are [[classified information|classified]]. Classified Information is not willingly revealed to the public or with anyone that does not have a [[need-to-know]]<ref>{{cite web |title=Need-To-Know |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hJXePUpOutE | archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/varchive/youtube/20211103/hJXePUpOutE| archive-date=2021-11-03 | url-status=live|website=youtube.com | date=April 30, 2009 |publisher=DoD}}{{cbignore}}</ref> verified. The agency does reveal that currently, it has approximately 17,000 employees, two-thirds of whom are civilians<ref name="diaalumni.org" /> and approximately 50% of whom work at more than 141 overseas locations.<ref name="youtube.com" /> In 1994, it was revealed that DIA requested approximately $4 billion in funding for the period of 1996–2001 ($6.3 billion inflation adjusted), averaging $666 million per year ($1.05 billion inflation adjusted).<ref>[https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-08-29-mn-32577-story.html "Report Reveals Spy Agencies' Budget Plans"], [[Associated Press]] via the ''[[Los Angeles Times]]'', August 29, 1994</ref> The agency, however, has nearly doubled in size since then and also assumed additional responsibilities from various intelligence elements from across the Department of Defense, CIA and wider intelligence community. In 2006, at the height of [[Donald Rumsfeld]]'s push to further expand the scope of military intelligence beyond tactical considerations, DIA was estimated to receive up to $3 billion annually.<ref>McManus, Doyle; Spiegel, Peter. [https://web.archive.org/web/20130618021912/http://articles.latimes.com/2006/may/06/nation/na-ciaassess6/2 "Spy Czar, Rumsfeld in a Turf War"], ''[[Los Angeles Times]]'', May 6, 2006</ref>
DIA's budget and exact personnel numbers are [[classified information|classified]]. Classified Information is not willingly revealed to the public or with anyone that does not have a [[need-to-know]]<ref>{{cite web |title=Need-To-Know |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hJXePUpOutE | archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/varchive/youtube/20211103/hJXePUpOutE| archive-date=2021-11-03 | url-status=live|website=youtube.com | date=April 30, 2009 |publisher=DoD}}{{cbignore}}</ref> verified. The agency does reveal that currently, it has approximately 17,000 employees, two-thirds of whom are civilians<ref name="diaalumni.org" /> and approximately 50% of whom work at more than 141 overseas locations.<ref name="youtube.com" /> In 1994, it was revealed that DIA requested approximately $4 billion in funding for the period of 1996–2001 ($6.3 billion inflation adjusted), averaging $666 million per year ($1.05 billion inflation adjusted).<ref>[https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-08-29-mn-32577-story.html "Report Reveals Spy Agencies' Budget Plans"], Associated Press via the ''Los Angeles Times'', August 29, 1994</ref> The agency, however, has nearly doubled in size since then and also assumed additional responsibilities from various intelligence elements from across the Department of Defense, CIA and wider intelligence community. In 2006, at the height of Donald Rumsfeld's push to further expand the scope of military intelligence beyond tactical considerations, DIA was estimated to receive up to $3 billion annually.<ref>McManus, Doyle; Spiegel, Peter. [https://web.archive.org/web/20130618021912/http://articles.latimes.com/2006/may/06/nation/na-ciaassess6/2 "Spy Czar, Rumsfeld in a Turf War"], ''Los Angeles Times'', May 6, 2006</ref>


According to classified documents leaked by [[Edward Snowden]] and published by ''[[The Washington Post]]'' in 2013, the [[United States intelligence budget#National Intelligence Program|National Intelligence Program]] (NIP) component of the [[United States intelligence budget|overall US intelligence budget]] contained approximately $4.4 billion/year for the General Defense Intelligence Program (GDIP), which is managed by DIA, even as it is not exclusively for the agency's use.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/black-budget-summary-details-us-spy-networks-successes-failures-and-objectives/2013/08/29/7e57bb78-10ab-11e3-8cdd-bcdc09410972_story.html |date=August 29, 2013 |access-date=August 29, 2013 |first=Barton |last=Gellman |author2=Greg Miller |newspaper=The Washington Post |title=U.S. spy network's successes, failures and objectives detailed in 'black budget' summary}}</ref> The numbers exclude the Military Intelligence Component (MIP) of the overall US intelligence budget, which by itself has averaged more than $20 billion per year in the past decade.
According to classified documents leaked by [[Edward Snowden]] and published by ''[[The Washington Post]]'' in 2013, the [[United States intelligence budget#National Intelligence Program|National Intelligence Program]] (NIP) component of the [[United States intelligence budget|overall US intelligence budget]] contained approximately $4.4 billion/year for the General Defense Intelligence Program (GDIP), which is managed by DIA, even as it is not exclusively for the agency's use.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/black-budget-summary-details-us-spy-networks-successes-failures-and-objectives/2013/08/29/7e57bb78-10ab-11e3-8cdd-bcdc09410972_story.html |date=August 29, 2013 |access-date=August 29, 2013 |first=Barton |last=Gellman |author2=Greg Miller |newspaper=The Washington Post |title=U.S. spy network's successes, failures and objectives detailed in 'black budget' summary}}</ref> The numbers exclude the Military Intelligence Component (MIP) of the overall US intelligence budget, which by itself has averaged more than $20 billion per year in the past decade.
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=== Alleged torture with drugs, gay porn, and loud music ===
=== Alleged torture with drugs, gay porn, and loud music ===
[[File:FBI correspondence regarding DIA personnel in Guantanamo.pdf|thumb|A declassified FBI correspondence alleging DIA misconduct]]
[[File:FBI correspondence regarding DIA personnel in Guantanamo.pdf|thumb|A declassified FBI correspondence alleging DIA misconduct]]
In 2003, the Defense Secretary [[Donald Rumsfeld]]'s "Working Group" on interrogations requested that DIA come up with prisoner interrogation techniques for the group's consideration. According to the 2008 [[United States Senate Committee on Armed Services|US Senate Armed Services Committee]] report on the treatment of detainees in U.S. custody, DIA began drawing up the list of techniques with the help of its civilian employee, a former Guantanamo Interrogation Control Element (ICE) Chief David Becker. Becker claimed that the Working Group members were particularly interested in aggressive methods and that he "was encouraged to talk about techniques that
In 2003, the Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's "Working Group" on interrogations requested that DIA come up with prisoner interrogation techniques for the group's consideration. According to the 2008 [[United States Senate Committee on Armed Services|US Senate Armed Services Committee]] report on the treatment of detainees in U.S. custody, DIA began drawing up the list of techniques with the help of its civilian employee, a former Guantanamo Interrogation Control Element (ICE) Chief David Becker. Becker claimed that the Working Group members were particularly interested in aggressive methods and that he "was encouraged to talk about techniques that
inflict pain."<ref>[[United States Senate Committee on Armed Services]] [http://www.armed-services.senate.gov/Publications/Detainee%20Report%20Final_April%2022%202009.pdf "INQUIRY INTO THE TREATMENT OF DETAINEES IN U.S. CUSTODY"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131021194943/http://www.armed-services.senate.gov/Publications/Detainee%20Report%20Final_April%2022%202009.pdf |date=October 21, 2013 }} November 20, 2008, p 111</ref>
inflict pain."<ref>[[United States Senate Committee on Armed Services]] [http://www.armed-services.senate.gov/Publications/Detainee%20Report%20Final_April%2022%202009.pdf "INQUIRY INTO THE TREATMENT OF DETAINEES IN U.S. CUSTODY"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131021194943/http://www.armed-services.senate.gov/Publications/Detainee%20Report%20Final_April%2022%202009.pdf |date=October 21, 2013 }} November 20, 2008, p 111</ref>


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Some of the more lurid revelations of DIA's alleged harsh interrogations came from [[FBI]] officers, who conducted their own screenings of detainees in [[Guantanamo]] along with other agencies. According to one account, the interrogators of what was then DIA's [[Defense Clandestine Service|Defense Humint Service]] (referenced in FBI correspondence as DHS<ref>White, Josh. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/23/AR2006022301813.html FBI Interrogators in Cuba Opposed Aggressive Tactics], ''The Washington Post'', February 24, 2006</ref>), forced subjects to watch [[gay porn]], draped them with the [[Flag of Israel|Israeli flag]], and interrogated them in rooms lit by [[strobe light]]s for 16–18 hours, all the while telling prisoners that they were from FBI.<ref name="aclu.org">[[American Civil Liberties Union]] [https://www.aclu.org/files/projects/foiasearch/pdf/DOJFBI003584.pdf Email &#91;parties redacted&#93; re GTMO], 7/31</ref>
Some of the more lurid revelations of DIA's alleged harsh interrogations came from [[FBI]] officers, who conducted their own screenings of detainees in [[Guantanamo]] along with other agencies. According to one account, the interrogators of what was then DIA's [[Defense Clandestine Service|Defense Humint Service]] (referenced in FBI correspondence as DHS<ref>White, Josh. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/23/AR2006022301813.html FBI Interrogators in Cuba Opposed Aggressive Tactics], ''The Washington Post'', February 24, 2006</ref>), forced subjects to watch [[gay porn]], draped them with the [[Flag of Israel|Israeli flag]], and interrogated them in rooms lit by [[strobe light]]s for 16–18 hours, all the while telling prisoners that they were from FBI.<ref name="aclu.org">[[American Civil Liberties Union]] [https://www.aclu.org/files/projects/foiasearch/pdf/DOJFBI003584.pdf Email &#91;parties redacted&#93; re GTMO], 7/31</ref>


The real FBI operatives were concerned that DIA's harsh methods and impersonation of FBI agents would complicate the FBI's ability to do its job properly, saying "The next time a real Agent tries to talk to that guy, you can imagine the result."<ref name="aclu.org" /> A subsequent military inquiry countered FBI's allegations by saying that the prisoner treatment was degrading but not inhumane, without addressing the allegation of DIA staff regularly impersonating FBI officers—usually a [[felony]] offense.<ref>Lewis, Neil. [https://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/14/politics/14gitmo.html "Report Discredits F.B.I. Claims of Abuse at Guantánamo Bay"], ''[[The New York Times]]'', July 14, 2005</ref>
The real FBI operatives were concerned that DIA's harsh methods and impersonation of FBI agents would complicate the FBI's ability to do its job properly, saying "The next time a real Agent tries to talk to that guy, you can imagine the result."<ref name="aclu.org" /> A subsequent military inquiry countered FBI's allegations by saying that the prisoner treatment was degrading but not inhumane, without addressing the allegation of DIA staff regularly impersonating FBI officers—usually a [[felony]] offense.<ref>Lewis, Neil. [https://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/14/politics/14gitmo.html "Report Discredits F.B.I. Claims of Abuse at Guantánamo Bay"], ''The New York Times'', July 14, 2005</ref>


Similar activities transpired at the hands of DIA operatives in [[Bagram]], where as recently as 2010 the organization ran the so-called "Black Jail". According to a report published by ''[[The Atlantic]]'', the jail was manned by DIA's [[DCHC]] staff, who were accused of beating and [[Sexual abuse|sexually humiliating]] high-value targets held at the site.<ref>Ambinder, Marc. [https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2010/05/inside-the-secret-interrogation-facility-at-bagram/56678/ "Inside the Secret Interrogation Facility at Bagram"], ''[[The Atlantic]]'', May 14, 2010</ref> The detention center outlived the black sites run by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], with DIA allegedly continuing to use "restricted" interrogation methods in the facility under a secret authorization. It is unclear what happened to the secret facility after the 2013 transfer of the base to Afghan authorities following several postponements.<ref>Rodriguez, Alex. [https://www.latimes.com/world/la-xpm-2013-mar-25-la-fg-wn-us-bagram-prison-afghanistan-20130325-story.html "U.S. hands over control of Bagram prison to Afghan government"], ''[[Los Angeles Times]]'', March 25, 2013</ref>
Similar activities transpired at the hands of DIA operatives in [[Bagram]], where as recently as 2010 the organization ran the so-called "Black Jail". According to a report published by ''[[The Atlantic]]'', the jail was manned by DIA's [[DCHC]] staff, who were accused of beating and [[Sexual abuse|sexually humiliating]] high-value targets held at the site.<ref>Ambinder, Marc. [https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2010/05/inside-the-secret-interrogation-facility-at-bagram/56678/ "Inside the Secret Interrogation Facility at Bagram"], ''[[The Atlantic]]'', May 14, 2010</ref> The detention center outlived the black sites run by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], with DIA allegedly continuing to use "restricted" interrogation methods in the facility under a secret authorization. It is unclear what happened to the secret facility after the 2013 transfer of the base to Afghan authorities following several postponements.<ref>Rodriguez, Alex. [https://www.latimes.com/world/la-xpm-2013-mar-25-la-fg-wn-us-bagram-prison-afghanistan-20130325-story.html "U.S. hands over control of Bagram prison to Afghan government"], ''Los Angeles Times'', March 25, 2013</ref>


DIA's harsh interrogation methods at times paled in comparison to those of some U.S. [[special operations forces]]. In 2004, interrogations by [[Joint Special Operations Command]]'s high-value targets special operations task forces (including [[Task Force 6-26]]) were so heavy-handed and physical with the detainees that two DIA officials complained, as a result of which they were threatened and put under surveillance by abusive military interrogators. The two DIA officials managed to share their accounts of abuse with the agency leadership, prompting DIA Director [[Lowell E. Jacoby|Lowell Jacoby]] to write a memo on this topic to the [[Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence]].<ref>Lewis, Neil. [https://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/07/politics/07cnd-abus.html?ex=1103462134&ei=1&en=1329389e02672a45&_r=0 "Memos Say 2 Officials Who Saw Prison Abuse Were Threatened"], ''The New York Times'', December 7, 2004</ref>
DIA's harsh interrogation methods at times paled in comparison to those of some U.S. [[special operations forces]]. In 2004, interrogations by [[Joint Special Operations Command]]'s high-value targets special operations task forces (including [[Task Force 6-26]]) were so heavy-handed and physical with the detainees that two DIA officials complained, as a result of which they were threatened and put under surveillance by abusive military interrogators. The two DIA officials managed to share their accounts of abuse with the agency leadership, prompting DIA Director [[Lowell E. Jacoby|Lowell Jacoby]] to write a memo on this topic to the [[Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence]].<ref>Lewis, Neil. [https://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/07/politics/07cnd-abus.html?ex=1103462134&ei=1&en=1329389e02672a45&_r=0 "Memos Say 2 Officials Who Saw Prison Abuse Were Threatened"], ''The New York Times'', December 7, 2004</ref>
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Since mid-2000s, DIA has come under scrutiny for requesting new powers "to covertly approach and cultivate 'U.S. persons' and even recruit them as informants" without disclosing they are doing so on behalf of the U.S. government.<ref>Michael Isikoff & Mark Hosenball. {{cite web |url=http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/9602401/site/newsweek/site/newsweek/ |title=Terror Watch: New Domestic Spying for Pentagon? - Newsweek National News - MSNBC.com |access-date=2013-08-25 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061025194945/http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/9602401/site/newsweek/site/newsweek/ |archive-date=October 25, 2006 |df=mdy-all }} ''[[Newsweek]]'', October 5, 2005</ref> George Peirce, DIA's general counsel, told ''The Washington Post'' that his agency is "not asking for the moon" and that DIA officers "only want to assess their [individual U.S. citizens'] suitability as a source, person to person", while protecting the ID and security of the agency operatives.<ref>Pincus, Walter. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/10/07/AR2005100701807.html "Request for Domestic Covert Role Is Defended"], ''The Washington Post'', October 8, 2005</ref> The provision allowing DIA to covertly approach U.S. citizens was reportedly removed from the bill at the request of Senator [[Ron Wyden]].<ref>Pincus, Walter. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/26/AR2005112600857.html "Pentagon Expanding Its Domestic Surveillance Activity"] ''The Washington Post'', November 27, 2005</ref> It is unclear if the agency has received any additional powers since but it is known that until at least 2005 and possibly later, DIA's "personnel stationed in major U.S. cities [have been] ... monitoring the movements and activities—through high-tech equipment—of individuals and vehicles"; this occurred parallel to the [[NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07)|NSA's warrantless surveillance]] that was of similarly dubious legality.<ref>Eggen, Dan. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/12/16/AR2005121600021.html "Bush Authorized Domestic Spying"], ''The Washington Post'', December 16, 2005</ref>
Since mid-2000s, DIA has come under scrutiny for requesting new powers "to covertly approach and cultivate 'U.S. persons' and even recruit them as informants" without disclosing they are doing so on behalf of the U.S. government.<ref>Michael Isikoff & Mark Hosenball. {{cite web |url=http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/9602401/site/newsweek/site/newsweek/ |title=Terror Watch: New Domestic Spying for Pentagon? - Newsweek National News - MSNBC.com |access-date=2013-08-25 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061025194945/http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/9602401/site/newsweek/site/newsweek/ |archive-date=October 25, 2006 |df=mdy-all }} ''[[Newsweek]]'', October 5, 2005</ref> George Peirce, DIA's general counsel, told ''The Washington Post'' that his agency is "not asking for the moon" and that DIA officers "only want to assess their [individual U.S. citizens'] suitability as a source, person to person", while protecting the ID and security of the agency operatives.<ref>Pincus, Walter. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/10/07/AR2005100701807.html "Request for Domestic Covert Role Is Defended"], ''The Washington Post'', October 8, 2005</ref> The provision allowing DIA to covertly approach U.S. citizens was reportedly removed from the bill at the request of Senator [[Ron Wyden]].<ref>Pincus, Walter. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/26/AR2005112600857.html "Pentagon Expanding Its Domestic Surveillance Activity"] ''The Washington Post'', November 27, 2005</ref> It is unclear if the agency has received any additional powers since but it is known that until at least 2005 and possibly later, DIA's "personnel stationed in major U.S. cities [have been] ... monitoring the movements and activities—through high-tech equipment—of individuals and vehicles"; this occurred parallel to the [[NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07)|NSA's warrantless surveillance]] that was of similarly dubious legality.<ref>Eggen, Dan. [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/12/16/AR2005121600021.html "Bush Authorized Domestic Spying"], ''The Washington Post'', December 16, 2005</ref>


In 2008, with the consolidation of the new [[Defense Counterintelligence and Human Intelligence Center]] (DCHC), DIA secured an additional authority to conduct "offensive counterintelligence", which entails conducting clandestine operations, domestically and abroad, "to thwart what the opposition is trying to do to us and to learn more about what they're trying to get from us."<ref>Pincus, Walter. [https://web.archive.org/web/20130311043512/http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2008-08-18/politics/36873808_1_counterintelligence-field-activity-dia-officers-james-r-clapper "New Unit of DIA Will Take the Offensive On Counterintelligence"] ''The Washington Post'', August 18, 2008</ref> While the agency remained vague about the exact meaning of offensive counterintelligence, experts opined that it "could include planting a mole in a foreign intelligence service, passing disinformation to mislead the other side, or even disrupting enemy information systems", suggesting strong overlap between CI and traditional HUMINT operations.<ref name="Fox News">Hess, Pamela. [http://www.foxnews.com/wires/2008Aug05/0,4670,PentagonSpyvsSpy,00.html "DIA's new mission adds to intel arsenal"] [[Associated Press]] via [[Fox News]], August 5, 2008</ref>
In 2008, with the consolidation of the new [[Defense Counterintelligence and Human Intelligence Center]] (DCHC), DIA secured an additional authority to conduct "offensive counterintelligence", which entails conducting clandestine operations, domestically and abroad, "to thwart what the opposition is trying to do to us and to learn more about what they're trying to get from us."<ref>Pincus, Walter. [https://web.archive.org/web/20130311043512/http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2008-08-18/politics/36873808_1_counterintelligence-field-activity-dia-officers-james-r-clapper "New Unit of DIA Will Take the Offensive On Counterintelligence"] ''The Washington Post'', August 18, 2008</ref> While the agency remained vague about the exact meaning of offensive counterintelligence, experts opined that it "could include planting a mole in a foreign intelligence service, passing disinformation to mislead the other side, or even disrupting enemy information systems", suggesting strong overlap between CI and traditional HUMINT operations.<ref name="Fox News">Hess, Pamela. [http://www.foxnews.com/wires/2008Aug05/0,4670,PentagonSpyvsSpy,00.html "DIA's new mission adds to intel arsenal"] Associated Press via [[Fox News]], August 5, 2008</ref>


According to the agency, Americans spying for a foreign intelligence service would not be covered under this mechanism and that DIA would coordinate in such cases with the FBI which, unlike any DIA components at the time, is designated a [[law enforcement agency]]. The media showed particular interest in the domestic aspect of DIA's counterintelligence efforts due to the fact that agency's newly created DCHC had absorbed the former [[Counterintelligence Field Activity]], which had become infamous for storing data on American peace activists in the controversial [[TALON (database)|TALON]] database that was eventually shut down.<ref name="Fox News" />
According to the agency, Americans spying for a foreign intelligence service would not be covered under this mechanism and that DIA would coordinate in such cases with the FBI which, unlike any DIA components at the time, is designated a [[law enforcement agency]]. The media showed particular interest in the domestic aspect of DIA's counterintelligence efforts due to the fact that agency's newly created DCHC had absorbed the former [[Counterintelligence Field Activity]], which had become infamous for storing data on American peace activists in the controversial [[TALON (database)|TALON]] database that was eventually shut down.<ref name="Fox News" />