Supreme Court of the United States: Difference between revisions

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Immediately after signing the act into law, President [[George Washington]] nominated the following people to serve on the court: [[John Jay]] for chief justice and [[John Rutledge]], [[William Cushing]], [[Robert H. Harrison]], [[James Wilson (Founding Father)|James Wilson]], and [[John Blair Jr.]] as associate justices. All six were confirmed by the Senate on September 26, 1789; however, Harrison declined to serve, and Washington later nominated [[James Iredell]] in his place.<ref name=SCnoms>{{cite web |title=Supreme Court Nominations: present–1789 |url=https://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm |publisher=Office of the Secretary, United States Senate |location=Washington, D.C. |access-date=September 3, 2018 |archive-date=December 9, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201209085119/https://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm |url-status=live}}</ref>{{Primary source inline|date=February 2024}}
Immediately after signing the act into law, President [[George Washington]] nominated the following people to serve on the court: [[John Jay]] for chief justice and [[John Rutledge]], [[William Cushing]], [[Robert H. Harrison]], [[James Wilson (Founding Father)|James Wilson]], and [[John Blair Jr.]] as associate justices. All six were confirmed by the Senate on September 26, 1789; however, Harrison declined to serve, and Washington later nominated [[James Iredell]] in his place.<ref name=SCnoms>{{cite web |title=Supreme Court Nominations: present–1789 |url=https://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm |publisher=Office of the Secretary, United States Senate |location=Washington, D.C. |access-date=September 3, 2018 |archive-date=December 9, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201209085119/https://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm |url-status=live}}</ref>{{Primary source inline|date=February 2024}}


The Supreme Court held its inaugural session from February 2 through February 10, 1790, at the [[Royal Exchange (New York City)|Royal Exchange]] in New York City, then the U.S. capital.<ref>{{cite web |last=Hodak |first=George |title=February 2, 1790: Supreme Court Holds Inaugural Session |url=http://www.abajournal.com/magazine/article/february_2_1790_supreme_court_holds_inaugural_session/ |website=abajournal.com |publisher=[[American Bar Association]] |location=Chicago, Illinois |date=February 1, 2011 |access-date=September 3, 2018 |archive-date=December 3, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201203002353/https://www.abajournal.com/magazine/article/february_2_1790_supreme_court_holds_inaugural_session |url-status=live}}</ref> A second session was held there in August 1790.<ref>{{cite book |last=Pigott |first=Robert |title=New York's Legal Landmarks: A Guide to Legal Edifices, Institutions, Lore, History, and Curiosities on the City's Streets |year=2014 |publisher=Attorney Street Editions |location=New York |page=7 |isbn=978-0-61599-283-9}}</ref> The earliest sessions of the court were devoted to organizational proceedings, as the first cases did not reach it until 1791.<ref name=SCinstitution/> When the nation's capital was moved to [[Philadelphia]] in 1790, the Supreme Court did so as well. After initially meeting at [[Independence Hall]], the court established its [[barrister's chambers|chambers]] at City Hall.<ref name=SCbuilding>{{cite web |title=Building History |url=https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/buildinghistory.aspx |publisher=Supreme Court of the United States |location=Washington, D.C. |access-date=September 3, 2018 |archive-date=December 5, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201205095102/https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/buildinghistory.aspx |url-status=live}}</ref>
The Supreme Court held its inaugural session from February 2 through February 10, 1790, at the [[Royal Exchange (New York City)|Royal Exchange]] in New York City, then the U.S. capital.<ref>{{cite web |last=Hodak |first=George |title=February 2, 1790: Supreme Court Holds Inaugural Session |url=http://www.abajournal.com/magazine/article/february_2_1790_supreme_court_holds_inaugural_session/ |website=abajournal.com |publisher=[[American Bar Association]] |location=Chicago, Illinois |date=February 1, 2011 |access-date=September 3, 2018 |archive-date=December 3, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201203002353/https://www.abajournal.com/magazine/article/february_2_1790_supreme_court_holds_inaugural_session |url-status=live}}</ref> A second session was held there in August 1790.<ref>{{cite book |last=Pigott |first=Robert |title=New York's Legal Landmarks: A Guide to Legal Edifices, Institutions, Lore, History, and Curiosities on the City's Streets |year=2014 |publisher=Attorney Street Editions |location=New York |page=7 |isbn=978-0-61599-283-9}}</ref> The earliest sessions of the court were devoted to organizational proceedings, as the first cases did not reach it until 1791.<ref name=SCinstitution/> When the nation's capital was moved to Philadelphia in 1790, the Supreme Court did so as well. After initially meeting at [[Independence Hall]], the court established its [[barrister's chambers|chambers]] at City Hall.<ref name=SCbuilding>{{cite web |title=Building History |url=https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/buildinghistory.aspx |publisher=Supreme Court of the United States |location=Washington, D.C. |access-date=September 3, 2018 |archive-date=December 5, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201205095102/https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/buildinghistory.aspx |url-status=live}}</ref>


===Early beginnings===
===Early beginnings===
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Under chief justices Jay, Rutledge, and [[Oliver Ellsworth|Ellsworth]] (1789–1801), the court heard few cases; its first decision was ''[[West v. Barnes]]'' (1791), a case involving procedure.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/datesofdecisions.pdf |title=Dates of Supreme Court decisions and arguments, United States Reports volumes 2–107 (1791–82) |last=Ashmore |first=Anne |date=August 2006 |publisher=Library, Supreme Court of the United States |access-date=April 26, 2009 |archive-date=July 23, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110723204125/https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/datesofdecisions.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref> As the court initially had only six members, every decision that it made by a majority was also made by two-thirds (voting four to two).<ref>{{cite journal |last=Shugerman |first=Jed |title=A Six-Three Rule: Reviving Consensus and Deference on the Supreme Court |journal=[[Georgia Law Review]] |volume=37 |page=893}}</ref> However, Congress has always allowed less than the court's full membership to make decisions, starting with a [[quorum]] of four justices in 1789.<ref>Irons, Peter. ''A People's History of the Supreme Court'', p. 101 (Penguin 2006).</ref> The court lacked a home of its own and had little prestige,<ref name="tws31oct01">{{cite news |year=1998 |editor=Gerber |editor-first=Scott Douglas |title=Seriatim: The Supreme Court Before John Marshall |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0tEkU5LiYsQC&pg=PA1 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511112038/http://books.google.com/books?id=0tEkU5LiYsQC&pg=PA1 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |publisher=New York University Press |page=3 |isbn=0-8147-3114-7 |quote=Finally many scholars cite the absence of a separate Supreme Court building as evidence that the early Court lacked prestige.}}</ref> a situation not helped by the era's highest-profile case, ''[[Chisholm v. Georgia]]'' (1793), which was reversed within two years by the adoption of the [[Eleventh Amendment to the United States Constitution|Eleventh Amendment]].<ref>{{cite journal |last=Manning |first=John F. |year=2004 |title=The Eleventh Amendment and the Reading of Precise Constitutional Texts |journal=Yale Law Journal |volume=113 |issue=8 |pages=1663–1750 |doi=10.2307/4135780 |author-link=John F. Manning |jstor=4135780 |url=https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/ylj/vol113/iss8/1 |access-date=July 16, 2019 |archive-date=July 16, 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190716011024/https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/ylj/vol113/iss8/1/ |url-status=live |issn = 0044-0094}}</ref>
Under chief justices Jay, Rutledge, and [[Oliver Ellsworth|Ellsworth]] (1789–1801), the court heard few cases; its first decision was ''[[West v. Barnes]]'' (1791), a case involving procedure.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/datesofdecisions.pdf |title=Dates of Supreme Court decisions and arguments, United States Reports volumes 2–107 (1791–82) |last=Ashmore |first=Anne |date=August 2006 |publisher=Library, Supreme Court of the United States |access-date=April 26, 2009 |archive-date=July 23, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110723204125/https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/datesofdecisions.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref> As the court initially had only six members, every decision that it made by a majority was also made by two-thirds (voting four to two).<ref>{{cite journal |last=Shugerman |first=Jed |title=A Six-Three Rule: Reviving Consensus and Deference on the Supreme Court |journal=[[Georgia Law Review]] |volume=37 |page=893}}</ref> However, Congress has always allowed less than the court's full membership to make decisions, starting with a [[quorum]] of four justices in 1789.<ref>Irons, Peter. ''A People's History of the Supreme Court'', p. 101 (Penguin 2006).</ref> The court lacked a home of its own and had little prestige,<ref name="tws31oct01">{{cite news |year=1998 |editor=Gerber |editor-first=Scott Douglas |title=Seriatim: The Supreme Court Before John Marshall |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0tEkU5LiYsQC&pg=PA1 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511112038/http://books.google.com/books?id=0tEkU5LiYsQC&pg=PA1 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |publisher=New York University Press |page=3 |isbn=0-8147-3114-7 |quote=Finally many scholars cite the absence of a separate Supreme Court building as evidence that the early Court lacked prestige.}}</ref> a situation not helped by the era's highest-profile case, ''[[Chisholm v. Georgia]]'' (1793), which was reversed within two years by the adoption of the [[Eleventh Amendment to the United States Constitution|Eleventh Amendment]].<ref>{{cite journal |last=Manning |first=John F. |year=2004 |title=The Eleventh Amendment and the Reading of Precise Constitutional Texts |journal=Yale Law Journal |volume=113 |issue=8 |pages=1663–1750 |doi=10.2307/4135780 |author-link=John F. Manning |jstor=4135780 |url=https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/ylj/vol113/iss8/1 |access-date=July 16, 2019 |archive-date=July 16, 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190716011024/https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/ylj/vol113/iss8/1/ |url-status=live |issn = 0044-0094}}</ref>


The court's power and prestige grew substantially during the [[John Marshall|Marshall]] Court (1801–1835).<ref name=tws31oct02>{{cite news |first=Garrett |last=Epps |author-link=Garrett Epps |title=Don't Do It, Justices |quote=The court's prestige has been hard-won. In the early 1800s, Chief Justice John Marshall made the court respected |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |date=October 24, 2004 |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A56446-2004Oct23.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=November 26, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201126212512/https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A56446-2004Oct23.html |url-status=live}}</ref> Under Marshall, the court established the power of [[Judicial review in the United States|judicial review]] over acts of Congress,<ref>The Supreme Court had first used the power of judicial review in the case ''[[Ware v. Hylton]]'', (1796), wherein it overturned a state law that conflicted with a treaty between the United States and Great Britain.</ref> including specifying itself as the supreme expositor of the [[Constitution of the United States|Constitution]] (''[[Marbury v. Madison]]'')<ref name=tws31oct05>{{cite news |first=Jeffrey |last=Rosen |author-link=Jeffrey Rosen (legal academic) |format=book review of ''Packing the Court'' by James MacGregor Burns |title=Black Robe Politics |quote=From the beginning, Burns continues, the Court has established its "supremacy" over the president and Congress because of Chief Justice John Marshall's "brilliant political coup" in Marbury v. Madison (1803): asserting a power to strike down unconstitutional laws. |newspaper=The Washington Post |date=July 5, 2009 |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/02/AR2009070202033.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 14, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200814121507/https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/02/AR2009070202033.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct09">{{cite news |url=https://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page19.htm |title=The People's Vote: 100 Documents that Shaped America – Marbury v. Madison (1803) |work=[[U.S. News & World Report]] |year=2003 |quote=With his decision in ''Marbury v. Madison'', Chief Justice John Marshall established the principle of judicial review, an important addition to the system of 'checks and balances' created to prevent any one branch of the Federal Government from becoming too powerful...A Law repugnant to the Constitution is void. |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030920031130/http://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page19.htm |archive-date=September 20, 2003 |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> and making several important constitutional rulings that gave shape and substance to the [[Balance of power (federalism)|balance of power]] between the federal government and states, notably ''[[Martin v. Hunter's Lessee]]'', ''[[McCulloch v. Maryland]]'', and ''[[Gibbons v. Ogden]]''.<ref name=tws31oct03>{{cite news |first1=Cliff |last1=Sloan |author-link1=Cliff Sloan |first2=David |last2=McKean |title=Why Marbury V. Madison Still Matters |quote=More than 200 years after the high court ruled, the decision in that landmark case continues to resonate. |work=Newsweek |date=February 21, 2009 |url=http://www.newsweek.com/id/185803 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 2, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090802063642/http://www.newsweek.com/id/185803 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct08">{{cite news |url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1893/02/27/106861891.pdf |title=The Constitution in Law: Its Phases Construed by the Federal Supreme Court |date=February 27, 1893 |quote=The decision … in Martin vs. Hunter's Lessee is the authority on which lawyers and Judges have rested the doctrine that where there is in question, in the highest court of a State, and decided adversely to the validity of a State statute... such claim is reviewable by the Supreme Court ... |work=The New York Times |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=December 17, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201217003220/https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1893/02/27/106861891.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct04">{{cite news |date=December 13, 2000 |title=Dissenting opinions in Bush v. Gore |url=https://www.usatoday.com/news/vote2000/pres246.htm |quote=Rarely has this Court rejected outright an interpretation of state law by a state high court … The Virginia court refused to obey this Court's Fairfax's Devisee mandate to enter judgment for the British subject's successor in interest. That refusal led to the Court's pathmarking decision in Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheat. 304 (1816). |author1-last=Ginsburg |author1-first=Ruth Bader |author1-link=Ruth Bader Ginsburg |author2-last=Stevens |author2-first=John P. |author2-link=John Paul Stevens |author3-last=Souter |author3-first=David |author3-link=David Souter |author4-last=Breyer |author4-first=Stephen |author4-link=Stephen Breyer |newspaper=[[USA Today]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100525001613/https://www.usatoday.com/news/vote2000/pres246.htm |archive-date=May 25, 2010 |access-date=December 8, 2019}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct06">{{cite news |url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1901/02/03/105757962.pdf |title=Decisions of the Supreme Court – Historic Decrees Issued in One Hundred and Eleven Years |date=February 3, 1901 |work=The New York Times |quote=Very important also was the decision in Martin vs. Hunter's lessee, in which the court asserted its authority to overrule, within certain limits, the decisions of the highest State courts. |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=December 5, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201205132522/https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1901/02/03/105757962.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref>
The court's power and prestige grew substantially during the [[John Marshall|Marshall]] Court (1801–1835).<ref name=tws31oct02>{{cite news |first=Garrett |last=Epps |author-link=Garrett Epps |title=Don't Do It, Justices |quote=The court's prestige has been hard-won. In the early 1800s, Chief Justice John Marshall made the court respected |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |date=October 24, 2004 |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A56446-2004Oct23.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=November 26, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201126212512/https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A56446-2004Oct23.html |url-status=live}}</ref> Under Marshall, the court established the power of [[Judicial review in the United States|judicial review]] over acts of Congress,<ref>The Supreme Court had first used the power of judicial review in the case ''[[Ware v. Hylton]]'', (1796), wherein it overturned a state law that conflicted with a treaty between the United States and Great Britain.</ref> including specifying itself as the supreme expositor of the [[Constitution of the United States|Constitution]] (''[[Marbury v. Madison]]'')<ref name=tws31oct05>{{cite news |first=Jeffrey |last=Rosen |author-link=Jeffrey Rosen (legal academic) |format=book review of ''Packing the Court'' by James MacGregor Burns |title=Black Robe Politics |quote=From the beginning, Burns continues, the Court has established its "supremacy" over the president and Congress because of Chief Justice John Marshall's "brilliant political coup" in Marbury v. Madison (1803): asserting a power to strike down unconstitutional laws. |newspaper=The Washington Post |date=July 5, 2009 |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/02/AR2009070202033.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 14, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200814121507/https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/02/AR2009070202033.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct09">{{cite news |url=https://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page19.htm |title=The People's Vote: 100 Documents that Shaped America – Marbury v. Madison (1803) |work=[[U.S. News & World Report]] |year=2003 |quote=With his decision in ''Marbury v. Madison'', Chief Justice John Marshall established the principle of judicial review, an important addition to the system of 'checks and balances' created to prevent any one branch of the Federal Government from becoming too powerful...A Law repugnant to the Constitution is void. |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030920031130/http://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page19.htm |archive-date=September 20, 2003 |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> and making several important constitutional rulings that gave shape and substance to the [[Balance of power (federalism)|balance of power]] between the federal government and states, notably ''[[Martin v. Hunter's Lessee]]'', ''[[McCulloch v. Maryland]]'', and ''[[Gibbons v. Ogden]]''.<ref name=tws31oct03>{{cite news |first1=Cliff |last1=Sloan |author-link1=Cliff Sloan |first2=David |last2=McKean |title=Why Marbury V. Madison Still Matters |quote=More than 200 years after the high court ruled, the decision in that landmark case continues to resonate. |work=Newsweek |date=February 21, 2009 |url=http://www.newsweek.com/id/185803 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 2, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090802063642/http://www.newsweek.com/id/185803 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct08">{{cite news |url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1893/02/27/106861891.pdf |title=The Constitution in Law: Its Phases Construed by the Federal Supreme Court |date=February 27, 1893 |quote=The decision … in Martin vs. Hunter's Lessee is the authority on which lawyers and Judges have rested the doctrine that where there is in question, in the highest court of a State, and decided adversely to the validity of a State statute... such claim is reviewable by the Supreme Court ... |work=The New York Times |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=December 17, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201217003220/https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1893/02/27/106861891.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct04">{{cite news |date=December 13, 2000 |title=Dissenting opinions in Bush v. Gore |url=https://www.usatoday.com/news/vote2000/pres246.htm |quote=Rarely has this Court rejected outright an interpretation of state law by a state high court … The Virginia court refused to obey this Court's Fairfax's Devisee mandate to enter judgment for the British subject's successor in interest. That refusal led to the Court's pathmarking decision in Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheat. 304 (1816). |author1-last=Ginsburg |author1-first=Ruth Bader |author1-link=Ruth Bader Ginsburg |author2-last=Stevens |author2-first=John P. |author2-link=John Paul Stevens |author3-last=Souter |author3-first=David |author3-link=David Souter |author4-last=Breyer |author4-first=Stephen |author4-link=Stephen Breyer |newspaper=USA Today |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100525001613/https://www.usatoday.com/news/vote2000/pres246.htm |archive-date=May 25, 2010 |access-date=December 8, 2019}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct06">{{cite news |url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1901/02/03/105757962.pdf |title=Decisions of the Supreme Court – Historic Decrees Issued in One Hundred and Eleven Years |date=February 3, 1901 |work=The New York Times |quote=Very important also was the decision in Martin vs. Hunter's lessee, in which the court asserted its authority to overrule, within certain limits, the decisions of the highest State courts. |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=December 5, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201205132522/https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1901/02/03/105757962.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref>


The Marshall Court also ended the practice of each justice issuing his opinion ''[[seriatim]]'',<ref name="tws31oct11">{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&contentId=A58066-2000Oct2&notFound=true |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110429054303/http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&contentId=A58066-2000Oct2&notFound=true |archive-date=April 29, 2011 |title=The Supreme Quiz |date=October 2, 2000 |quote=According to the ''Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States'', Marshall's most important innovation was to persuade the other justices to stop seriatim opinions—each issuing one—so that the court could speak in a single voice. Since the mid-1940s, however, there's been a significant increase in individual 'concurring' and 'dissenting' opinions. |newspaper=The Washington Post |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> a remnant of British tradition,<ref name="tws31oct10">{{cite news |url=https://blogs.wsj.com/law/2008/04/18/justice-stevens-on-the-death-penalty-a-promise-of-fairness-unfulfilled/ |title=Justice Stevens on the Death Penalty: A Promise of Fairness Unfulfilled |last=Slater |first=Dan |date=April 18, 2008 |quote=The first Chief Justice, John Marshall set out to do away with seriatim opinions–a practice originating in England in which each appellate judge writes an opinion in ruling on a single case. (You may have read old tort cases in law school with such opinions). Marshall sought to do away with this practice to help build the Court into a coequal branch. |work=The Wall Street Journal |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 14, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200814121458/https://blogs.wsj.com/law/2008/04/18/justice-stevens-on-the-death-penalty-a-promise-of-fairness-unfulfilled/ |url-status=live}}</ref> and instead issuing a single majority opinion.<ref name=tws31oct11/> Also during Marshall's tenure, although beyond the court's control, the impeachment and [[acquittal]] of Justice [[Samuel Chase]] from 1804 to 1805 helped cement the principle of [[judicial independence]].<ref name="tws31oct12">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1867783,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081219174136/http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1867783,00.html |archive-date=December 19, 2008 |title=A Brief History of Impeachment |last=Suddath |first=Claire |date=December 19, 2008 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Congress tried the process again in 1804, when it voted to impeach Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase on charges of bad conduct. As a judge, Chase was overzealous and notoriously unfair … But Chase never committed a crime—he was just incredibly bad at his job. The Senate acquitted him on every count. |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct13">{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/10/us/rehnquist-joins-fray-on-rulings-defending-judicial-independence.html |title=Rehnquist Joins Fray on Rulings, Defending Judicial Independence |last=Greenhouse |first=Linda |author-link=Linda Greenhouse |date=April 10, 1996 |work=The New York Times |quote=the 1805 Senate trial of Justice Samuel Chase, who had been impeached by the House of Representatives … This decision by the Senate was enormously important in securing the kind of judicial independence contemplated by Article III" of the Constitution, Chief Justice Rehnquist said |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111352/http://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/10/us/rehnquist-joins-fray-on-rulings-defending-judicial-independence.html |url-status=live}}</ref>
The Marshall Court also ended the practice of each justice issuing his opinion ''[[seriatim]]'',<ref name="tws31oct11">{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&contentId=A58066-2000Oct2&notFound=true |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110429054303/http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&contentId=A58066-2000Oct2&notFound=true |archive-date=April 29, 2011 |title=The Supreme Quiz |date=October 2, 2000 |quote=According to the ''Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States'', Marshall's most important innovation was to persuade the other justices to stop seriatim opinions—each issuing one—so that the court could speak in a single voice. Since the mid-1940s, however, there's been a significant increase in individual 'concurring' and 'dissenting' opinions. |newspaper=The Washington Post |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> a remnant of British tradition,<ref name="tws31oct10">{{cite news |url=https://blogs.wsj.com/law/2008/04/18/justice-stevens-on-the-death-penalty-a-promise-of-fairness-unfulfilled/ |title=Justice Stevens on the Death Penalty: A Promise of Fairness Unfulfilled |last=Slater |first=Dan |date=April 18, 2008 |quote=The first Chief Justice, John Marshall set out to do away with seriatim opinions–a practice originating in England in which each appellate judge writes an opinion in ruling on a single case. (You may have read old tort cases in law school with such opinions). Marshall sought to do away with this practice to help build the Court into a coequal branch. |work=The Wall Street Journal |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 14, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200814121458/https://blogs.wsj.com/law/2008/04/18/justice-stevens-on-the-death-penalty-a-promise-of-fairness-unfulfilled/ |url-status=live}}</ref> and instead issuing a single majority opinion.<ref name=tws31oct11/> Also during Marshall's tenure, although beyond the court's control, the impeachment and [[acquittal]] of Justice [[Samuel Chase]] from 1804 to 1805 helped cement the principle of [[judicial independence]].<ref name="tws31oct12">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1867783,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081219174136/http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1867783,00.html |archive-date=December 19, 2008 |title=A Brief History of Impeachment |last=Suddath |first=Claire |date=December 19, 2008 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Congress tried the process again in 1804, when it voted to impeach Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase on charges of bad conduct. As a judge, Chase was overzealous and notoriously unfair … But Chase never committed a crime—he was just incredibly bad at his job. The Senate acquitted him on every count. |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct13">{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/10/us/rehnquist-joins-fray-on-rulings-defending-judicial-independence.html |title=Rehnquist Joins Fray on Rulings, Defending Judicial Independence |last=Greenhouse |first=Linda |author-link=Linda Greenhouse |date=April 10, 1996 |work=The New York Times |quote=the 1805 Senate trial of Justice Samuel Chase, who had been impeached by the House of Representatives … This decision by the Senate was enormously important in securing the kind of judicial independence contemplated by Article III" of the Constitution, Chief Justice Rehnquist said |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111352/http://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/10/us/rehnquist-joins-fray-on-rulings-defending-judicial-independence.html |url-status=live}}</ref>
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===From Taney to Taft===
===From Taney to Taft===
{{main|Taney Court|Chase Court|Waite Court|Fuller Court|White Court (judges)|l5=White Court|Taft Court}}
{{main|Taney Court|Chase Court|Waite Court|Fuller Court|White Court (judges)|l5=White Court|Taft Court}}
The [[Roger B. Taney|Taney]] Court (1836–1864) made several important rulings, such as ''[[Sheldon v. Sill]]'', which held that while Congress may not limit the subjects the Supreme Court may hear, it may limit the jurisdiction of the lower federal courts to prevent them from hearing cases dealing with certain subjects.<ref name="tws31oct16">{{cite news |author1=Keynes |first=Edward |author-link1=Edward Keynes |author2=Miller |first2=Randall K. |year=1989 |title=The Court vs. Congress: Prayer, Busing, and Abortion |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_Ebb2wsxkF4C&pg=PA115 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511112043/http://books.google.com/books?id=_Ebb2wsxkF4C&pg=PA115 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |publisher=Duke University Press |isbn=0-8223-0968-8 |quote=(page 115)... Grier maintained that Congress has plenary power to limit the federal courts' jurisdiction.}}</ref> Nevertheless, it is primarily remembered for its ruling in ''[[Dred Scott v. Sandford]]'',<ref name="tws31oct21">{{cite news |url=https://www.usnews.com/articles/opinion/2009/05/27/sotomayors-great-legal-mind-long-ago-defeated-race-gender-nonsense.html |title=Sotomayor's Great Legal Mind Long Ago Defeated Race, Gender Nonsense |last=Ifill |first=Sherrilyn A. |date=May 27, 2009 |work=U.S. News & World Report |quote=But his decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford doomed thousands of black slaves and freedmen to a stateless existence within the United States until the passage of the 14th Amendment. Justice Taney's coldly self-fulfilling statement in Dred Scott, that blacks had "no rights which the white man [was] bound to respect," has ensured his place in history—not as a brilliant jurist, but as among the most insensitive |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> which helped precipitate the [[American Civil War]].<ref name=tws4494>{{cite book |last1=Irons |first1=Peter |title=A People's History of the Supreme Court: The Men and Women Whose Cases and Decisions Have Shaped Our Constitution |publisher=Penguin Books |year=2006 |location=United States |pages=[https://archive.org/details/peopleshistoryof00iron_0/page/176 176–177] |quote=The rhetorical battle that followed the Dred Scott decision, as we know, later erupted into the gunfire and bloodshed of the Civil War (p. 176)... his opinion (Taney's) touched off an explosive reaction on both sides of the slavery issue... (p. 177) |isbn=978-0-14-303738-5 |url=https://archive.org/details/peopleshistoryof00iron_0/page/176}}</ref> In the [[Reconstruction era]], the [[Salmon P. Chase|Chase]], [[Morrison Waite|Waite]], and [[Melville Fuller|Fuller]] Courts (1864–1910) interpreted the new Civil War amendments to the Constitution<ref name=tws31oct06/> and developed the doctrine of [[substantive due process]] (''[[Lochner v. New York]]'';<ref name="tws31oct24">{{cite news |url=http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/libertyofk.htm |title=Liberty of Contract? |date=October 31, 2009 |publisher=Exploring Constitutional Conflicts |quote=The term 'substantive due process' is often used to describe the approach first used in Lochner—the finding of liberties not explicitly protected by the text of the Constitution to be impliedly protected by the liberty clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the 1960s, long after the Court repudiated its Lochner line of cases, substantive due process became the basis for protecting personal rights such as the right of privacy, the right to maintain intimate family relationships. |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091122031228/http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/libertyofk.htm |archive-date=November 22, 2009}}</ref> ''[[Adair v. United States]]'').<ref name=tws31oct100>{{cite news |title=Adair v. United States 208 U.S. 161 |quote=No. 293 Argued: October 29, 30, 1907 – Decided: January 27, 1908 |publisher=Cornell University Law School |year=1908 |url=https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/208/161 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=April 24, 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120424064132/http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/208/161 |url-status=live}}</ref> The size of the court was last changed in 1869, when it was set at nine.
The [[Roger B. Taney|Taney]] Court (1836–1864) made several important rulings, such as ''[[Sheldon v. Sill]]'', which held that while Congress may not limit the subjects the Supreme Court may hear, it may limit the jurisdiction of the lower federal courts to prevent them from hearing cases dealing with certain subjects.<ref name="tws31oct16">{{cite news |author1=Keynes |first=Edward |author-link1=Edward Keynes |author2=Miller |first2=Randall K. |year=1989 |title=The Court vs. Congress: Prayer, Busing, and Abortion |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_Ebb2wsxkF4C&pg=PA115 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511112043/http://books.google.com/books?id=_Ebb2wsxkF4C&pg=PA115 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |publisher=Duke University Press |isbn=0-8223-0968-8 |quote=(page 115)... Grier maintained that Congress has plenary power to limit the federal courts' jurisdiction.}}</ref> Nevertheless, it is primarily remembered for its ruling in ''[[Dred Scott v. Sandford]]'',<ref name="tws31oct21">{{cite news |url=https://www.usnews.com/articles/opinion/2009/05/27/sotomayors-great-legal-mind-long-ago-defeated-race-gender-nonsense.html |title=Sotomayor's Great Legal Mind Long Ago Defeated Race, Gender Nonsense |last=Ifill |first=Sherrilyn A. |date=May 27, 2009 |work=U.S. News & World Report |quote=But his decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford doomed thousands of black slaves and freedmen to a stateless existence within the United States until the passage of the 14th Amendment. Justice Taney's coldly self-fulfilling statement in Dred Scott, that blacks had "no rights which the white man [was] bound to respect," has ensured his place in history—not as a brilliant jurist, but as among the most insensitive |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> which helped precipitate the American Civil War.<ref name=tws4494>{{cite book |last1=Irons |first1=Peter |title=A People's History of the Supreme Court: The Men and Women Whose Cases and Decisions Have Shaped Our Constitution |publisher=Penguin Books |year=2006 |location=United States |pages=[https://archive.org/details/peopleshistoryof00iron_0/page/176 176–177] |quote=The rhetorical battle that followed the Dred Scott decision, as we know, later erupted into the gunfire and bloodshed of the Civil War (p. 176)... his opinion (Taney's) touched off an explosive reaction on both sides of the slavery issue... (p. 177) |isbn=978-0-14-303738-5 |url=https://archive.org/details/peopleshistoryof00iron_0/page/176}}</ref> In the [[Reconstruction era]], the [[Salmon P. Chase|Chase]], [[Morrison Waite|Waite]], and [[Melville Fuller|Fuller]] Courts (1864–1910) interpreted the new Civil War amendments to the Constitution<ref name=tws31oct06/> and developed the doctrine of [[substantive due process]] (''[[Lochner v. New York]]'';<ref name="tws31oct24">{{cite news |url=http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/libertyofk.htm |title=Liberty of Contract? |date=October 31, 2009 |publisher=Exploring Constitutional Conflicts |quote=The term 'substantive due process' is often used to describe the approach first used in Lochner—the finding of liberties not explicitly protected by the text of the Constitution to be impliedly protected by the liberty clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the 1960s, long after the Court repudiated its Lochner line of cases, substantive due process became the basis for protecting personal rights such as the right of privacy, the right to maintain intimate family relationships. |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091122031228/http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/libertyofk.htm |archive-date=November 22, 2009}}</ref> ''[[Adair v. United States]]'').<ref name=tws31oct100>{{cite news |title=Adair v. United States 208 U.S. 161 |quote=No. 293 Argued: October 29, 30, 1907 – Decided: January 27, 1908 |publisher=Cornell University Law School |year=1908 |url=https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/208/161 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=April 24, 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120424064132/http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/208/161 |url-status=live}}</ref> The size of the court was last changed in 1869, when it was set at nine.


Under the [[Edward Douglass White|White]] and [[William Howard Taft|Taft]] Courts (1910–1930), the court held that the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment]] had [[Incorporation (Bill of Rights)|incorporated]] some guarantees of the [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]] against the states (''[[Gitlow v. New York]]''),<ref name="twsff4frj">{{cite book |last=Bodenhamer |first=David J. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L-_9mFCeBSIC&pg=PA245 |title=The Bill of Rights in modern America |author2=Ely |first2=James W. |publisher=Indiana University Press |year=1993 |isbn=978-0-253-35159-3 |location=Bloomington, Indiana |page=245 |quote=… of what eventually became the 'incorporation doctrine,' by which various federal Bill of Rights guarantees were held to be implicit in the Fourteenth Amendment due process or equal protection. |access-date=October 29, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201118001054/https://books.google.com/books?id=L-_9mFCeBSIC&pg=PA245 |archive-date=November 18, 2020 |url-status=live}}</ref> grappled with the new [[antitrust]] statutes (''[[Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey v. United States]]''), upheld the constitutionality of [[Conscription in the United States|military conscription]] (''[[Selective Draft Law Cases]]''),<ref>{{cite web |url=http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=245&invol=366 |title=Opinion for the Court, Arver v. U.S. 245 U.S. 366 |first=Edward Douglass |last=White |author-link=Edward Douglass White |quote=Finally, as we are unable to conceive upon what theory the exaction by government from the citizen of the performance of his supreme and noble duty of contributing to the defense of the rights and honor of the nation, as the result of a war declared by the great representative body of the people, can be said to be the imposition of involuntary servitude in violation of the prohibitions of the Thirteenth Amendment, we are constrained to the conclusion that the contention to that effect is refuted by its mere statement. |access-date=March 30, 2011 |archive-date=May 1, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110501075034/http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=245&invol=366 |url-status=live}}</ref> and brought the substantive due process doctrine to its first apogee (''[[Adkins v. Children's Hospital]]'').<ref name=tws31oct101>{{cite book |first=Bernard H. |last=Siegan |author-link=Bernard Siegan |title=The Supreme Court's Constitution |quote=In the 1923 case of Adkins v. Children's Hospital, the court invalidated a classification based on gender as inconsistent with the substantive due process requirements of the fifth amendment. At issue was congressional legislation providing for the fixing of minimum wages for women and minors in the District of Columbia. (p. 146) |publisher=Transaction Publishers |year=1987 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XABdIe1foccC&pg=PA146 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |isbn=978-0-88738-671-8 |page=146 |archive-date=February 20, 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210220161141/https://books.google.com/books?id=XABdIe1foccC&pg=PA146 |url-status=live}}</ref>
Under the [[Edward Douglass White|White]] and [[William Howard Taft|Taft]] Courts (1910–1930), the court held that the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment]] had [[Incorporation (Bill of Rights)|incorporated]] some guarantees of the [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]] against the states (''[[Gitlow v. New York]]''),<ref name="twsff4frj">{{cite book |last=Bodenhamer |first=David J. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L-_9mFCeBSIC&pg=PA245 |title=The Bill of Rights in modern America |author2=Ely |first2=James W. |publisher=Indiana University Press |year=1993 |isbn=978-0-253-35159-3 |location=Bloomington, Indiana |page=245 |quote=… of what eventually became the 'incorporation doctrine,' by which various federal Bill of Rights guarantees were held to be implicit in the Fourteenth Amendment due process or equal protection. |access-date=October 29, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201118001054/https://books.google.com/books?id=L-_9mFCeBSIC&pg=PA245 |archive-date=November 18, 2020 |url-status=live}}</ref> grappled with the new [[antitrust]] statutes (''[[Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey v. United States]]''), upheld the constitutionality of [[Conscription in the United States|military conscription]] (''[[Selective Draft Law Cases]]''),<ref>{{cite web |url=http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=245&invol=366 |title=Opinion for the Court, Arver v. U.S. 245 U.S. 366 |first=Edward Douglass |last=White |author-link=Edward Douglass White |quote=Finally, as we are unable to conceive upon what theory the exaction by government from the citizen of the performance of his supreme and noble duty of contributing to the defense of the rights and honor of the nation, as the result of a war declared by the great representative body of the people, can be said to be the imposition of involuntary servitude in violation of the prohibitions of the Thirteenth Amendment, we are constrained to the conclusion that the contention to that effect is refuted by its mere statement. |access-date=March 30, 2011 |archive-date=May 1, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110501075034/http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=245&invol=366 |url-status=live}}</ref> and brought the substantive due process doctrine to its first apogee (''[[Adkins v. Children's Hospital]]'').<ref name=tws31oct101>{{cite book |first=Bernard H. |last=Siegan |author-link=Bernard Siegan |title=The Supreme Court's Constitution |quote=In the 1923 case of Adkins v. Children's Hospital, the court invalidated a classification based on gender as inconsistent with the substantive due process requirements of the fifth amendment. At issue was congressional legislation providing for the fixing of minimum wages for women and minors in the District of Columbia. (p. 146) |publisher=Transaction Publishers |year=1987 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XABdIe1foccC&pg=PA146 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |isbn=978-0-88738-671-8 |page=146 |archive-date=February 20, 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210220161141/https://books.google.com/books?id=XABdIe1foccC&pg=PA146 |url-status=live}}</ref>
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[[File:Panorama of United States Supreme Court Building at Dusk.jpg|thumb|right|The [[United States Supreme Court Building|U.S. Supreme Court Building]], current home of the Supreme Court, which opened in 1935]]
[[File:Panorama of United States Supreme Court Building at Dusk.jpg|thumb|right|The [[United States Supreme Court Building|U.S. Supreme Court Building]], current home of the Supreme Court, which opened in 1935]]
[[File:Erich Salomon - The Supreme Court, 1937.jpg|thumb|alt=The Court seated|The [[Hughes Court]] in 1937, photographed by [[Erich Salomon]]. Members include Chief Justice [[Charles Evans Hughes]] (center), [[Louis Brandeis]], [[Benjamin N. Cardozo]], [[Harlan Stone]], [[Owen Roberts]], and the "[[Four Horsemen (Supreme Court)|Four Horsemen]]" [[Pierce Butler (justice)|Pierce Butler]], [[James Clark McReynolds]], [[George Sutherland]], and [[Willis Van Devanter]], who opposed New Deal policies.]]
[[File:Erich Salomon - The Supreme Court, 1937.jpg|thumb|alt=The Court seated|The [[Hughes Court]] in 1937, photographed by [[Erich Salomon]]. Members include Chief Justice [[Charles Evans Hughes]] (center), [[Louis Brandeis]], [[Benjamin N. Cardozo]], [[Harlan Stone]], [[Owen Roberts]], and the "[[Four Horsemen (Supreme Court)|Four Horsemen]]" [[Pierce Butler (justice)|Pierce Butler]], [[James Clark McReynolds]], [[George Sutherland]], and [[Willis Van Devanter]], who opposed New Deal policies.]]
During the [[Charles Evans Hughes|Hughes]], [[Harlan Fiske Stone|Stone]], and [[Fred M. Vinson|Vinson]] courts (1930–1953), the court gained its own accommodation in 1935<ref name=tws31oct>{{cite news |first=Joan |last=Biskupic |author-link=Joan Biskupic |title=Supreme Court gets makeover |quote=The building is getting its first renovation since its completion in 1935. |work=[[USA Today]] |url=https://www.usatoday.com/travel/destinations/2005-03-28-high-court-makeover_x.htm |access-date=October 31, 2009 |date=March 29, 2005 |archive-date=June 5, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605082031/http://www.usatoday.com/travel/destinations/2005-03-28-high-court-makeover_x.htm |url-status=live}}</ref> and [[The switch in time that saved nine|changed its interpretation of the Constitution]], giving a broader reading to the powers of the federal government to facilitate President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]'s [[New Deal]] (most prominently ''[[West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish]], [[Wickard v. Filburn]]'', ''[[United States v. Darby]]'', and ''[[United States v. Butler]]'').<ref name="tws31oct103">{{cite news |author=Justice Roberts |first=John |date=September 21, 2005 |title=Responses of Judge John G. Roberts, Jr. to the Written Questions of Senator Joseph R. Biden |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/documents/roberts/biden_responses.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150930002412/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/documents/roberts/biden_responses.pdf |archive-date=September 30, 2015 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |newspaper=The Washington Post |quote=I agree that West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish correctly overruled Adkins. [[Lochner era]] cases—Adkins in particular—evince an expansive view of the judicial role inconsistent with what I believe to be the appropriately more limited vision of the Framers.}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct107">{{cite news |url=https://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB20001424052748704597704574486242417039358 |title=All the News That's Fit to Subsidize |last=Lipsky |first=Seth |date=October 22, 2009 |work=The Wall Street Journal |quote=He was a farmer in Ohio ... during the 1930s, when subsidies were brought in for farmers. With subsidies came restrictions on how much wheat one could grow—even, Filburn learned in a landmark Supreme Court case, Wickard v. Filburn (1942), wheat grown on his modest farm. |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=December 19, 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131219035657/http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB20001424052748704597704574486242417039358 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct109">{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/14/opinion/14tue4.html |title=What's New in the Legal World? A Growing Campaign to Undo the New Deal |last=Cohen |first=Adam |date=December 14, 2004 |work=The New York Times |quote=Some prominent states' rights conservatives were asking the court to overturn Wickard v. Filburn, a landmark ruling that laid out an expansive view of Congress's power to legislate in the public interest. Supporters of states' rights have always blamed Wickard ... for paving the way for strong federal action... |access-date=October 31, 2009 |author-link=Adam Cohen (journalist) |archive-date=March 7, 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130307222715/http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/14/opinion/14tue4.html |url-status=live}}</ref> During [[World War II]], the court continued to favor government power, upholding the [[internment of Japanese Americans]] (''[[Korematsu v. United States]]'') and the mandatory [[Pledge of Allegiance]] (''[[Minersville School District v. Gobitis]]''). Nevertheless, ''Gobitis'' was soon repudiated (''[[West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette]]''), and the ''[[Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer|Steel Seizure Case]]'' restricted the pro-government trend.
During the [[Charles Evans Hughes|Hughes]], [[Harlan Fiske Stone|Stone]], and [[Fred M. Vinson|Vinson]] courts (1930–1953), the court gained its own accommodation in 1935<ref name=tws31oct>{{cite news |first=Joan |last=Biskupic |author-link=Joan Biskupic |title=Supreme Court gets makeover |quote=The building is getting its first renovation since its completion in 1935. |work=USA Today |url=https://www.usatoday.com/travel/destinations/2005-03-28-high-court-makeover_x.htm |access-date=October 31, 2009 |date=March 29, 2005 |archive-date=June 5, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605082031/http://www.usatoday.com/travel/destinations/2005-03-28-high-court-makeover_x.htm |url-status=live}}</ref> and [[The switch in time that saved nine|changed its interpretation of the Constitution]], giving a broader reading to the powers of the federal government to facilitate President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]'s [[New Deal]] (most prominently ''[[West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish]], [[Wickard v. Filburn]]'', ''[[United States v. Darby]]'', and ''[[United States v. Butler]]'').<ref name="tws31oct103">{{cite news |author=Justice Roberts |first=John |date=September 21, 2005 |title=Responses of Judge John G. Roberts, Jr. to the Written Questions of Senator Joseph R. Biden |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/documents/roberts/biden_responses.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150930002412/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/documents/roberts/biden_responses.pdf |archive-date=September 30, 2015 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |newspaper=The Washington Post |quote=I agree that West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish correctly overruled Adkins. [[Lochner era]] cases—Adkins in particular—evince an expansive view of the judicial role inconsistent with what I believe to be the appropriately more limited vision of the Framers.}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct107">{{cite news |url=https://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB20001424052748704597704574486242417039358 |title=All the News That's Fit to Subsidize |last=Lipsky |first=Seth |date=October 22, 2009 |work=The Wall Street Journal |quote=He was a farmer in Ohio ... during the 1930s, when subsidies were brought in for farmers. With subsidies came restrictions on how much wheat one could grow—even, Filburn learned in a landmark Supreme Court case, Wickard v. Filburn (1942), wheat grown on his modest farm. |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=December 19, 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131219035657/http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB20001424052748704597704574486242417039358 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct109">{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/14/opinion/14tue4.html |title=What's New in the Legal World? A Growing Campaign to Undo the New Deal |last=Cohen |first=Adam |date=December 14, 2004 |work=The New York Times |quote=Some prominent states' rights conservatives were asking the court to overturn Wickard v. Filburn, a landmark ruling that laid out an expansive view of Congress's power to legislate in the public interest. Supporters of states' rights have always blamed Wickard ... for paving the way for strong federal action... |access-date=October 31, 2009 |author-link=Adam Cohen (journalist) |archive-date=March 7, 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130307222715/http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/14/opinion/14tue4.html |url-status=live}}</ref> During [[World War II]], the court continued to favor government power, upholding the [[internment of Japanese Americans]] (''[[Korematsu v. United States]]'') and the mandatory [[Pledge of Allegiance]] (''[[Minersville School District v. Gobitis]]''). Nevertheless, ''Gobitis'' was soon repudiated (''[[West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette]]''), and the ''[[Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer|Steel Seizure Case]]'' restricted the pro-government trend.


The Warren Court (1953–1969) dramatically expanded the force of Constitutional [[civil liberties]].<ref name=tws31oct110>{{cite news |agency=[[United Press International]] (UPI) |title=Justice Black Dies at 85; Served on Court 34 Years |quote=Justice Black developed his controversial theory, first stated in a lengthy, scholarly dissent in 1947, that the due process clause applied the first eight amendments of the Bill of Rights to the states. |work=The New York Times |date=September 25, 1971 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0227.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=October 15, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091015050655/http://nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0227.html |url-status=live}}</ref> It held that [[Racial segregation in the United States|segregation in public schools]] violates the [[Equal Protection Clause]] of the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment]] (''[[Brown v. Board of Education]]'', ''[[Bolling v. Sharpe]]'', and ''[[Green v. County School Board of New Kent County|Green v. County School Bd.]]'')<ref name="tws31oct113">{{cite news |url=https://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page87.htm |title=100 Documents that Shaped America Brown v. Board of Education (1954) |date=May 17, 1954 |work=U.S. News & World Report |quote=On May 17, 1954, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren delivered the unanimous ruling in the landmark civil rights case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. State-sanctioned segregation of public schools was a violation of the 14th amendment and was therefore unconstitutional. This historic decision marked the end of the "separate but equal" … and served as a catalyst for the expanding civil rights movement... |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091106035101/http://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page87.htm |archive-date=November 6, 2009}}</ref> and that [[legislative district]]s must be roughly equal in population (''[[Reynolds v. Sims]]''). It recognized a general [[right to privacy]] (''[[Griswold v. Connecticut]]''),<ref name="tws31oct114">{{cite magazine |title=Essay: In defense of privacy |quote=The biggest legal milestone in this field was last year's Supreme Court decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, which overthrew the state's law against the use of contraceptives as an invasion of marital privacy, and for the first time declared the "right of privacy" to be derived from the Constitution itself. |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |date=July 15, 1966 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,836012-3,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091013120125/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,836012-3,00.html |archive-date=October 13, 2009 |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> limited the role of religion in public school, most prominently ''[[Engel v. Vitale]]'' and ''[[Abington School District v. Schempp]]'',<ref name="tws31oct120">{{cite magazine |first=Nancy |last=Gibbs |title=America's Holy War |quote=In the landmark 1962 case Engel v. Vitale, the high court threw out a brief nondenominational prayer composed by state officials that was recommended for use in New York State schools. 'It is no part of the business of government,' ruled the court, 'to compose official prayers for any group of the American people to recite.' |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |date=December 9, 1991 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,974430,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071102070141/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,974430,00.html |archive-date=November 2, 2007 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |author-link=Nancy Gibbs}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct121">{{cite news |url=http://blogs.usatoday.com/oped/2009/08/column-teach-the-bible-of-course-.html |title=Teach the Bible? Of course. |date=August 17, 2009 |work=USA Today |last2=Trinko |first2=Katrina |quote=Public schools need not proselytize—indeed, must not—in teaching students about the Good Book … In Abington School District v. Schempp, decided in 1963, the Supreme Court stated that "study of the Bible or of religion, when presented objectively as part of a secular program of education," was permissible under the First Amendment. |first1=William R. Jr |last1=Mattox |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090820030545/http://blogs.usatoday.com/oped/2009/08/column-teach-the-bible-of-course-.html |archive-date=August 20, 2009}}</ref> [[Incorporation of the Bill of Rights|incorporated]] most guarantees of the Bill of Rights against the states, prominently ''[[Mapp v. Ohio]]'' (the [[exclusionary rule]]) and ''[[Gideon v. Wainwright]]'' ([[Public defender|right to appointed counsel]]),<ref name="tws31oct131">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,898882,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080423044435/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,898882,00.html |archive-date=April 23, 2008 |title=The Law: The Retroactivity Riddle |date=June 18, 1965 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Last week, in a 7 to 2 decision, the court refused for the first time to give retroactive effect to a great Bill of Rights decision—Mapp v. Ohio (1961). |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct203">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,841844,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100528172220/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,841844,00.html |archive-date=May 28, 2010 |title=The Supreme Court: Now Comes the Sixth Amendment |date=April 16, 1965 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Sixth Amendment's right to counsel (Gideon v. Wainwright in 1963). … the court said flatly in 1904: 'The Sixth Amendment does not apply to proceedings in state criminal courts.' But in the light of Gideon … ruled Black, statements 'generally declaring that the Sixth Amendment does not apply to states can no longer be regarded as law.' |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> and required that criminal suspects be apprised of all these rights by [[police]] (''[[Miranda v. Arizona]]'').<ref name=tws31oct132>{{cite news |title=Guilt and Mr. Meese |quote=1966 Miranda v. Arizona decision. That's the famous decision that made confessions inadmissible as evidence unless an accused person has been warned by police of the right to silence and to a lawyer, and waived it. |work=The New York Times |date=January 31, 1987 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1987/01/31/opinion/guilt-and-mr-meese.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111536/http://www.nytimes.com/1987/01/31/opinion/guilt-and-mr-meese.html |url-status=live}}</ref> At the same time, the court limited [[defamation]] suits by public figures (''[[New York Times Co. v. Sullivan]]'') and supplied the government with an unbroken run of antitrust victories.<ref>{{cite journal |journal=Engage |volume=9 |issue=3 |url=http://www.fed-soc.org/doclib/20090107_GragliaEngage93.pdf |title=The Antitrust Revolution |last=Graglia |first=Lino A. |author-link=Lino Graglia |date=October 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170621023852/http://www.fed-soc.org/doclib/20090107_GragliaEngage93.pdf |archive-date=June 21, 2017 |access-date=February 6, 2016}}</ref>
The Warren Court (1953–1969) dramatically expanded the force of Constitutional [[civil liberties]].<ref name=tws31oct110>{{cite news |agency=[[United Press International]] (UPI) |title=Justice Black Dies at 85; Served on Court 34 Years |quote=Justice Black developed his controversial theory, first stated in a lengthy, scholarly dissent in 1947, that the due process clause applied the first eight amendments of the Bill of Rights to the states. |work=The New York Times |date=September 25, 1971 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0227.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=October 15, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091015050655/http://nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0227.html |url-status=live}}</ref> It held that [[Racial segregation in the United States|segregation in public schools]] violates the [[Equal Protection Clause]] of the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment]] (''[[Brown v. Board of Education]]'', ''[[Bolling v. Sharpe]]'', and ''[[Green v. County School Board of New Kent County|Green v. County School Bd.]]'')<ref name="tws31oct113">{{cite news |url=https://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page87.htm |title=100 Documents that Shaped America Brown v. Board of Education (1954) |date=May 17, 1954 |work=U.S. News & World Report |quote=On May 17, 1954, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren delivered the unanimous ruling in the landmark civil rights case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. State-sanctioned segregation of public schools was a violation of the 14th amendment and was therefore unconstitutional. This historic decision marked the end of the "separate but equal" … and served as a catalyst for the expanding civil rights movement... |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091106035101/http://www.usnews.com/usnews/documents/docpages/document_page87.htm |archive-date=November 6, 2009}}</ref> and that [[legislative district]]s must be roughly equal in population (''[[Reynolds v. Sims]]''). It recognized a general [[right to privacy]] (''[[Griswold v. Connecticut]]''),<ref name="tws31oct114">{{cite magazine |title=Essay: In defense of privacy |quote=The biggest legal milestone in this field was last year's Supreme Court decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, which overthrew the state's law against the use of contraceptives as an invasion of marital privacy, and for the first time declared the "right of privacy" to be derived from the Constitution itself. |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |date=July 15, 1966 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,836012-3,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091013120125/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,836012-3,00.html |archive-date=October 13, 2009 |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> limited the role of religion in public school, most prominently ''[[Engel v. Vitale]]'' and ''[[Abington School District v. Schempp]]'',<ref name="tws31oct120">{{cite magazine |first=Nancy |last=Gibbs |title=America's Holy War |quote=In the landmark 1962 case Engel v. Vitale, the high court threw out a brief nondenominational prayer composed by state officials that was recommended for use in New York State schools. 'It is no part of the business of government,' ruled the court, 'to compose official prayers for any group of the American people to recite.' |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |date=December 9, 1991 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,974430,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071102070141/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,974430,00.html |archive-date=November 2, 2007 |access-date=October 31, 2009 |author-link=Nancy Gibbs}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct121">{{cite news |url=http://blogs.usatoday.com/oped/2009/08/column-teach-the-bible-of-course-.html |title=Teach the Bible? Of course. |date=August 17, 2009 |work=USA Today |last2=Trinko |first2=Katrina |quote=Public schools need not proselytize—indeed, must not—in teaching students about the Good Book … In Abington School District v. Schempp, decided in 1963, the Supreme Court stated that "study of the Bible or of religion, when presented objectively as part of a secular program of education," was permissible under the First Amendment. |first1=William R. Jr |last1=Mattox |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090820030545/http://blogs.usatoday.com/oped/2009/08/column-teach-the-bible-of-course-.html |archive-date=August 20, 2009}}</ref> [[Incorporation of the Bill of Rights|incorporated]] most guarantees of the Bill of Rights against the states, prominently ''[[Mapp v. Ohio]]'' (the [[exclusionary rule]]) and ''[[Gideon v. Wainwright]]'' ([[Public defender|right to appointed counsel]]),<ref name="tws31oct131">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,898882,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080423044435/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,898882,00.html |archive-date=April 23, 2008 |title=The Law: The Retroactivity Riddle |date=June 18, 1965 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Last week, in a 7 to 2 decision, the court refused for the first time to give retroactive effect to a great Bill of Rights decision—Mapp v. Ohio (1961). |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref><ref name="tws31oct203">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,841844,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100528172220/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,841844,00.html |archive-date=May 28, 2010 |title=The Supreme Court: Now Comes the Sixth Amendment |date=April 16, 1965 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Sixth Amendment's right to counsel (Gideon v. Wainwright in 1963). … the court said flatly in 1904: 'The Sixth Amendment does not apply to proceedings in state criminal courts.' But in the light of Gideon … ruled Black, statements 'generally declaring that the Sixth Amendment does not apply to states can no longer be regarded as law.' |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> and required that criminal suspects be apprised of all these rights by [[police]] (''[[Miranda v. Arizona]]'').<ref name=tws31oct132>{{cite news |title=Guilt and Mr. Meese |quote=1966 Miranda v. Arizona decision. That's the famous decision that made confessions inadmissible as evidence unless an accused person has been warned by police of the right to silence and to a lawyer, and waived it. |work=The New York Times |date=January 31, 1987 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1987/01/31/opinion/guilt-and-mr-meese.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111536/http://www.nytimes.com/1987/01/31/opinion/guilt-and-mr-meese.html |url-status=live}}</ref> At the same time, the court limited [[defamation]] suits by public figures (''[[New York Times Co. v. Sullivan]]'') and supplied the government with an unbroken run of antitrust victories.<ref>{{cite journal |journal=Engage |volume=9 |issue=3 |url=http://www.fed-soc.org/doclib/20090107_GragliaEngage93.pdf |title=The Antitrust Revolution |last=Graglia |first=Lino A. |author-link=Lino Graglia |date=October 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170621023852/http://www.fed-soc.org/doclib/20090107_GragliaEngage93.pdf |archive-date=June 21, 2017 |access-date=February 6, 2016}}</ref>
Line 66: Line 66:
===Burger, Rehnquist, and Roberts===
===Burger, Rehnquist, and Roberts===
{{main|Burger Court|Rehnquist Court|Roberts Court}}
{{main|Burger Court|Rehnquist Court|Roberts Court}}
[[File:Supreme Court October 2005.jpg|thumb|Justices of the Supreme Court with President [[George W. Bush]] (center-right) in October 2005. The justices (left to right) are: [[Ruth Bader Ginsburg]], [[David Souter]], [[Antonin Scalia]], [[John Paul Stevens]], [[John Roberts]], [[Sandra Day O'Connor]], [[Anthony Kennedy]], [[Clarence Thomas]], and [[Stephen Breyer]].]]
[[File:Supreme Court October 2005.jpg|thumb|Justices of the Supreme Court with President George W. Bush (center-right) in October 2005. The justices (left to right) are: [[Ruth Bader Ginsburg]], [[David Souter]], [[Antonin Scalia]], [[John Paul Stevens]], [[John Roberts]], [[Sandra Day O'Connor]], [[Anthony Kennedy]], [[Clarence Thomas]], and [[Stephen Breyer]].]]


The Burger Court (1969–1986) saw a conservative shift.<ref>Earl M. Maltz, ''The Coming of the Nixon Court: The 1972 Term and the Transformation of Constitutional Law'' (University Press of Kansas; 2016).</ref> It also expanded ''Griswold''{{'}}s right to privacy to strike down [[Abortion in the United States|abortion laws]] (''[[Roe v. Wade]]'')<ref name=tws31oct204>{{cite news |first=Karen |last=O'Connor |title=Roe v. Wade: On Anniversary, Abortion Is out of the Spotlight |quote=The shocker, however, came in 1973, when the Court, by a vote of 7 to 2, relied on Griswold's basic underpinnings to rule that a Texas law prohibiting abortions in most situations was unconstitutional, invalidating the laws of most states. Relying on a woman's right to privacy... |work=U.S. News & World Report |date=January 22, 2009 |url=https://www.usnews.com/articles/opinion/2009/01/22/roe-v-wade-on-anniversary-abortion-is-out-of-the-spotlight.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=March 26, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090326104927/http://www.usnews.com/articles/opinion/2009/01/22/roe-v-wade-on-anniversary-abortion-is-out-of-the-spotlight.html |url-status=live}}</ref> but divided deeply on [[Affirmative action in the United States|affirmative action]] (''[[Regents of the University of California v. Bakke]]'')<ref name="tws31oct205">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,946798,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101014122411/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,946798,00.html |archive-date=October 14, 2010 |title=Bakke Wins, Quotas Lose |date=July 10, 1978 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Split almost exactly down the middle, the Supreme Court last week offered a Solomonic compromise. It said that rigid quotas based solely on race were forbidden, but it also said that race might legitimately be an element in judging students for admission to universities. It thus approved the principle of 'affirmative action'… |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> and campaign finance regulation (''[[Buckley v. Valeo]]'').<ref name=tws31oct207>{{cite news |title=Time to Rethink Buckley v. Valeo |quote=...Buckley v. Valeo. The nation's political system has suffered ever since from that decision, which held that mandatory limits on campaign spending unconstitutionally limit free speech. The decision did much to promote the explosive growth of campaign contributions from special interests and to enhance the advantage incumbents enjoy over underfunded challengers. |work=The New York Times |date=November 12, 1998 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/12/opinion/time-to-rethink-buckley-v-valeo.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111407/http://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/12/opinion/time-to-rethink-buckley-v-valeo.html |url-status=live}}</ref> It also wavered on the [[Death penalty in the United States|death penalty]], ruling first that most applications were defective (''[[Furman v. Georgia]]''),<ref name="tws31oct208">{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/rehnquist/rehnquist_key_decisions.html |title=Supreme Court Justice Rehnquist's Key Decisions |date=June 29, 1972 |newspaper=The Washington Post |quote=Furman v. Georgia … Rehnquist dissents from the Supreme Court conclusion that many state laws on capital punishment are capricious and arbitrary and therefore unconstitutional. |author=<!--Not stated--> |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 25, 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100525065231/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/rehnquist/rehnquist_key_decisions.html |url-status=live}}</ref> but later that the death penalty itself was not unconstitutional (''[[Gregg v. Georgia]]'').<ref name=tws31oct208/><ref name="history1">History of the Court, in Hall, Ely Jr., Grossman, and Wiecek (eds.) ''The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States''. [[Oxford University Press]], 1992, {{ISBN|0-19-505835-6}}</ref><ref name=tws31oct2122>{{cite news |title=A Supreme Revelation |quote=Thirty-two years ago, Justice John Paul Stevens sided with the majority in a famous "never mind" ruling by the Supreme Court. Gregg v. Georgia, in 1976, overturned Furman v. Georgia, which had declared the death penalty unconstitutional only four years earlier. |work=The Wall Street Journal |date=April 19, 2008 |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120856145124627875?mod=opinion_main_review_and_outlooks |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 24, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170824133310/https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120856145124627875?mod=opinion_main_review_and_outlooks |url-status=live}}</ref>
The Burger Court (1969–1986) saw a conservative shift.<ref>Earl M. Maltz, ''The Coming of the Nixon Court: The 1972 Term and the Transformation of Constitutional Law'' (University Press of Kansas; 2016).</ref> It also expanded ''Griswold''{{'}}s right to privacy to strike down [[Abortion in the United States|abortion laws]] (''[[Roe v. Wade]]'')<ref name=tws31oct204>{{cite news |first=Karen |last=O'Connor |title=Roe v. Wade: On Anniversary, Abortion Is out of the Spotlight |quote=The shocker, however, came in 1973, when the Court, by a vote of 7 to 2, relied on Griswold's basic underpinnings to rule that a Texas law prohibiting abortions in most situations was unconstitutional, invalidating the laws of most states. Relying on a woman's right to privacy... |work=U.S. News & World Report |date=January 22, 2009 |url=https://www.usnews.com/articles/opinion/2009/01/22/roe-v-wade-on-anniversary-abortion-is-out-of-the-spotlight.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=March 26, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090326104927/http://www.usnews.com/articles/opinion/2009/01/22/roe-v-wade-on-anniversary-abortion-is-out-of-the-spotlight.html |url-status=live}}</ref> but divided deeply on [[Affirmative action in the United States|affirmative action]] (''[[Regents of the University of California v. Bakke]]'')<ref name="tws31oct205">{{cite magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,946798,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101014122411/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,946798,00.html |archive-date=October 14, 2010 |title=Bakke Wins, Quotas Lose |date=July 10, 1978 |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |quote=Split almost exactly down the middle, the Supreme Court last week offered a Solomonic compromise. It said that rigid quotas based solely on race were forbidden, but it also said that race might legitimately be an element in judging students for admission to universities. It thus approved the principle of 'affirmative action'… |access-date=October 31, 2009}}</ref> and campaign finance regulation (''[[Buckley v. Valeo]]'').<ref name=tws31oct207>{{cite news |title=Time to Rethink Buckley v. Valeo |quote=...Buckley v. Valeo. The nation's political system has suffered ever since from that decision, which held that mandatory limits on campaign spending unconstitutionally limit free speech. The decision did much to promote the explosive growth of campaign contributions from special interests and to enhance the advantage incumbents enjoy over underfunded challengers. |work=The New York Times |date=November 12, 1998 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/12/opinion/time-to-rethink-buckley-v-valeo.html |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111407/http://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/12/opinion/time-to-rethink-buckley-v-valeo.html |url-status=live}}</ref> It also wavered on the [[Death penalty in the United States|death penalty]], ruling first that most applications were defective (''[[Furman v. Georgia]]''),<ref name="tws31oct208">{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/rehnquist/rehnquist_key_decisions.html |title=Supreme Court Justice Rehnquist's Key Decisions |date=June 29, 1972 |newspaper=The Washington Post |quote=Furman v. Georgia … Rehnquist dissents from the Supreme Court conclusion that many state laws on capital punishment are capricious and arbitrary and therefore unconstitutional. |author=<!--Not stated--> |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=May 25, 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100525065231/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/rehnquist/rehnquist_key_decisions.html |url-status=live}}</ref> but later that the death penalty itself was not unconstitutional (''[[Gregg v. Georgia]]'').<ref name=tws31oct208/><ref name="history1">History of the Court, in Hall, Ely Jr., Grossman, and Wiecek (eds.) ''The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States''. [[Oxford University Press]], 1992, {{ISBN|0-19-505835-6}}</ref><ref name=tws31oct2122>{{cite news |title=A Supreme Revelation |quote=Thirty-two years ago, Justice John Paul Stevens sided with the majority in a famous "never mind" ruling by the Supreme Court. Gregg v. Georgia, in 1976, overturned Furman v. Georgia, which had declared the death penalty unconstitutional only four years earlier. |work=The Wall Street Journal |date=April 19, 2008 |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120856145124627875?mod=opinion_main_review_and_outlooks |access-date=October 31, 2009 |archive-date=August 24, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170824133310/https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120856145124627875?mod=opinion_main_review_and_outlooks |url-status=live}}</ref>
Line 83: Line 83:
In modern times, the confirmation process has attracted considerable attention from the press and advocacy groups, which [[lobbying|lobby]] senators to confirm or to reject a nominee depending on whether their track record aligns with the group's views. The [[United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary|Senate Judiciary Committee]] conducts hearings and votes on whether the nomination should go to the full Senate with a positive, negative or neutral report. The committee's practice of personally interviewing nominees is relatively recent. The first nominee to appear before the committee was [[Harlan Fiske Stone]] in 1925, who sought to quell concerns about his links to [[Wall Street]], and the modern practice of questioning began with [[John Marshall Harlan II]] in 1955.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Nominations.htm |title=United States Senate. "Nominations" |access-date=February 16, 2018 |archive-date=April 7, 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190407112442/https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Nominations.htm |url-status=live}}</ref> Once the committee reports out the nomination, the full Senate considers it. Rejections are relatively uncommon; the Senate has explicitly rejected [[List of failed nominations to the Supreme Court of the United States|twelve]] Supreme Court nominees, most recently [[Robert Bork]], nominated by President [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1987.
In modern times, the confirmation process has attracted considerable attention from the press and advocacy groups, which [[lobbying|lobby]] senators to confirm or to reject a nominee depending on whether their track record aligns with the group's views. The [[United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary|Senate Judiciary Committee]] conducts hearings and votes on whether the nomination should go to the full Senate with a positive, negative or neutral report. The committee's practice of personally interviewing nominees is relatively recent. The first nominee to appear before the committee was [[Harlan Fiske Stone]] in 1925, who sought to quell concerns about his links to [[Wall Street]], and the modern practice of questioning began with [[John Marshall Harlan II]] in 1955.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Nominations.htm |title=United States Senate. "Nominations" |access-date=February 16, 2018 |archive-date=April 7, 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190407112442/https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Nominations.htm |url-status=live}}</ref> Once the committee reports out the nomination, the full Senate considers it. Rejections are relatively uncommon; the Senate has explicitly rejected [[List of failed nominations to the Supreme Court of the United States|twelve]] Supreme Court nominees, most recently [[Robert Bork]], nominated by President [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1987.


Although Senate rules do not necessarily allow a negative or tied vote in committee to block a nomination, prior to 2017 a nomination could be blocked by [[filibuster]] once debate had begun in the full Senate. President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]]'s nomination of sitting associate justice [[Abe Fortas]] to succeed [[Earl Warren]] as Chief Justice in 1968 was the first successful filibuster of a Supreme Court nominee. It included both Republican and Democratic senators concerned with Fortas's ethics. President [[Donald Trump]]'s nomination of [[Neil Gorsuch]] to the seat left vacant by [[Antonin Scalia]]'s death was the second. Unlike the Fortas filibuster, only Democratic senators voted against [[Cloture#United States|cloture]] on the Gorsuch nomination, citing his perceived conservative judicial philosophy, and the Republican majority's prior refusal to take up President [[Barack Obama]]'s [[Merrick Garland Supreme Court nomination|nomination of Merrick Garland]] to fill the vacancy.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/politics/sen-patty-murray-will-oppose-neil-gorsuch-for-supreme-court/ |title=Sen. Patty Murray will oppose Neil Gorsuch for Supreme Court |work=[[The Seattle Times]] |first=Jim |last=Brunner |date=March 24, 2017 |access-date=April 9, 2017 |quote=In a statement Friday morning, Murray cited Republicans' refusal to confirm or even seriously consider President Obama's nomination of Judge Merrick Garland, a similarly well-qualified jurist – and went on to lambaste President Trump's conduct in his first few months in office. [...] And Murray added she's 'deeply troubled' by Gorsuch's 'extreme conservative perspective on women's health', citing his 'inability' to state a clear position on ''Roe v. Wade'', the landmark abortion-legalization decision, and his comments about the 'Hobby Lobby' decision allowing employers to refuse to provide birth-control coverage. |archive-date=April 10, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170410133132/http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/politics/sen-patty-murray-will-oppose-neil-gorsuch-for-supreme-court/ |url-status=live}}</ref> This led the Republican majority to change the rules and eliminate the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/06/us/politics/neil-gorsuch-supreme-court-senate.html |work=The New York Times |date=April 6, 2017 |first=Matt |last=Flegenheimer |title=Senate Republicans Deploy 'Nuclear Option' to Clear Path for Gorsuch |quote=After Democrats held together Thursday morning and filibustered President Trump's nominee, Republicans voted to lower the threshold for advancing Supreme Court nominations from 60 votes to a simple majority. |access-date=April 7, 2017 |archive-date=October 2, 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181002075315/https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/06/us/politics/neil-gorsuch-supreme-court-senate.html |url-status=live}}</ref>
Although Senate rules do not necessarily allow a negative or tied vote in committee to block a nomination, prior to 2017 a nomination could be blocked by [[filibuster]] once debate had begun in the full Senate. President Lyndon B. Johnson's nomination of sitting associate justice [[Abe Fortas]] to succeed [[Earl Warren]] as Chief Justice in 1968 was the first successful filibuster of a Supreme Court nominee. It included both Republican and Democratic senators concerned with Fortas's ethics. President [[Donald Trump]]'s nomination of [[Neil Gorsuch]] to the seat left vacant by [[Antonin Scalia]]'s death was the second. Unlike the Fortas filibuster, only Democratic senators voted against [[Cloture#United States|cloture]] on the Gorsuch nomination, citing his perceived conservative judicial philosophy, and the Republican majority's prior refusal to take up President [[Barack Obama]]'s [[Merrick Garland Supreme Court nomination|nomination of Merrick Garland]] to fill the vacancy.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/politics/sen-patty-murray-will-oppose-neil-gorsuch-for-supreme-court/ |title=Sen. Patty Murray will oppose Neil Gorsuch for Supreme Court |work=[[The Seattle Times]] |first=Jim |last=Brunner |date=March 24, 2017 |access-date=April 9, 2017 |quote=In a statement Friday morning, Murray cited Republicans' refusal to confirm or even seriously consider President Obama's nomination of Judge Merrick Garland, a similarly well-qualified jurist – and went on to lambaste President Trump's conduct in his first few months in office. [...] And Murray added she's 'deeply troubled' by Gorsuch's 'extreme conservative perspective on women's health', citing his 'inability' to state a clear position on ''Roe v. Wade'', the landmark abortion-legalization decision, and his comments about the 'Hobby Lobby' decision allowing employers to refuse to provide birth-control coverage. |archive-date=April 10, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170410133132/http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/politics/sen-patty-murray-will-oppose-neil-gorsuch-for-supreme-court/ |url-status=live}}</ref> This led the Republican majority to change the rules and eliminate the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/06/us/politics/neil-gorsuch-supreme-court-senate.html |work=The New York Times |date=April 6, 2017 |first=Matt |last=Flegenheimer |title=Senate Republicans Deploy 'Nuclear Option' to Clear Path for Gorsuch |quote=After Democrats held together Thursday morning and filibustered President Trump's nominee, Republicans voted to lower the threshold for advancing Supreme Court nominations from 60 votes to a simple majority. |access-date=April 7, 2017 |archive-date=October 2, 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181002075315/https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/06/us/politics/neil-gorsuch-supreme-court-senate.html |url-status=live}}</ref>


[[File:Ruth Bader Ginsburg at her confirmation hearing (a).jpg|upright=1.05|left|thumb|[[Ruth Bader Ginsburg]] giving testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee during the 1993 hearings on her nomination to be an associate justice]]
[[File:Ruth Bader Ginsburg at her confirmation hearing (a).jpg|upright=1.05|left|thumb|[[Ruth Bader Ginsburg]] giving testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee during the 1993 hearings on her nomination to be an associate justice]]
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When the Senate is in [[Recess (motion)|recess]], a president may make temporary appointments to fill vacancies. [[Recess appointment|Recess appointees]] hold office only until the end of the next Senate session (less than two years). The Senate must confirm the nominee for them to continue serving; of the two chief justices and eleven associate justices who have received recess appointments, only Chief Justice [[John Rutledge]] was not subsequently confirmed.<ref>{{cite book |title=Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1992 |isbn=978-0-19-505835-2 |editor-last=Hall |editor-first=Kermit L. |pages=[https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hall/page/965 965–971] |chapter=Appendix Two |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hall/page/965}}</ref>
When the Senate is in [[Recess (motion)|recess]], a president may make temporary appointments to fill vacancies. [[Recess appointment|Recess appointees]] hold office only until the end of the next Senate session (less than two years). The Senate must confirm the nominee for them to continue serving; of the two chief justices and eleven associate justices who have received recess appointments, only Chief Justice [[John Rutledge]] was not subsequently confirmed.<ref>{{cite book |title=Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1992 |isbn=978-0-19-505835-2 |editor-last=Hall |editor-first=Kermit L. |pages=[https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hall/page/965 965–971] |chapter=Appendix Two |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hall/page/965}}</ref>


No U.S. president since [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] has made a recess appointment to the court, and the practice has become rare and controversial even in lower federal courts.<ref>See ''Evans v. Stephens'', 387 F.3d 1220 (11th Cir. 2004), which concerned the recess appointment of [[William H. Pryor Jr.]] Concurring in denial of ''certiorari'', Justice Stevens observed that the case involved "the first such appointment of an Article III judge in nearly a half century." 544 U.S. 942 (2005), Stevens, J., concurring in denial of ''certiorari''.</ref> In 1960, after Eisenhower had made three such appointments, the Senate passed a "sense of the Senate" resolution that recess appointments to the court should only be made in "unusual circumstances";<ref name="recessapp">{{cite journal |last=Fisher |first=Louis |date=September 5, 2001 |title=Recess Appointments of Federal Judges |url=https://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/RL31112.pdf |journal=CRS Report for Congress |series=Congressional Research Service |issue=RL31112 |page=CRS-18 |quote=''Resolved'', That it is the sense of the Senate that the making of recess appointments to the Supreme Court of the United States may not be wholly consistent with the best interests of the Supreme Court, the nominee who may be involved, the litigants before the Court, nor indeed the people of the United States, and that such appointments, therefore, should not be made except under unusual circumstances and for the purpose of preventing or ending a demonstrable breakdown in the administration of the Court's business. |access-date=August 6, 2010 |archive-date=April 17, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200417150206/https://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/RL31112.pdf |url-status=dead}}</ref> such resolutions are not legally binding but are an expression of Congress's views in the hope of guiding executive action.<ref name="recessapp"/><ref>The resolution passed by a vote of 48 to 37, mainly along party lines; Democrats supported the resolution 48–4, and Republicans opposed it 33–0.</ref>
No U.S. president since Dwight D. Eisenhower has made a recess appointment to the court, and the practice has become rare and controversial even in lower federal courts.<ref>See ''Evans v. Stephens'', 387 F.3d 1220 (11th Cir. 2004), which concerned the recess appointment of [[William H. Pryor Jr.]] Concurring in denial of ''certiorari'', Justice Stevens observed that the case involved "the first such appointment of an Article III judge in nearly a half century." 544 U.S. 942 (2005), Stevens, J., concurring in denial of ''certiorari''.</ref> In 1960, after Eisenhower had made three such appointments, the Senate passed a "sense of the Senate" resolution that recess appointments to the court should only be made in "unusual circumstances";<ref name="recessapp">{{cite journal |last=Fisher |first=Louis |date=September 5, 2001 |title=Recess Appointments of Federal Judges |url=https://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/RL31112.pdf |journal=CRS Report for Congress |series=Congressional Research Service |issue=RL31112 |page=CRS-18 |quote=''Resolved'', That it is the sense of the Senate that the making of recess appointments to the Supreme Court of the United States may not be wholly consistent with the best interests of the Supreme Court, the nominee who may be involved, the litigants before the Court, nor indeed the people of the United States, and that such appointments, therefore, should not be made except under unusual circumstances and for the purpose of preventing or ending a demonstrable breakdown in the administration of the Court's business. |access-date=August 6, 2010 |archive-date=April 17, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200417150206/https://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/RL31112.pdf |url-status=dead}}</ref> such resolutions are not legally binding but are an expression of Congress's views in the hope of guiding executive action.<ref name="recessapp"/><ref>The resolution passed by a vote of 48 to 37, mainly along party lines; Democrats supported the resolution 48–4, and Republicans opposed it 33–0.</ref>


The Supreme Court's 2014 decision in ''[[National Labor Relations Board v. Noel Canning]]'' limited the ability of the president to make recess appointments (including appointments to the Supreme Court); the court ruled that the Senate decides when the Senate is in session or in recess. Writing for the court, Justice Breyer stated, "We hold that, for purposes of the Recess Appointments Clause, the Senate is in session when it says it is, provided that, under its own rules, it retains the capacity to transact Senate business."<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/12-1281_mc8p.pdf |title=National Relations Board v. Noel Canning et al |pages=34, 35 |access-date=June 27, 2017 |archive-date=December 12, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201212030517/https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/12-1281_mc8p.pdf |url-status=live}} The Court continued, "In our view, however, the pro forma sessions count as sessions, not as periods of recess. We hold that, for purposes of the Recess Appointments Clause, the Senate is in session when it says it is, provided that, under its own rules, it retains the capacity to transact Senate business. The Senate met that standard here." Later, the opinion states: "For these reasons, we conclude that we must give great weight to the Senate's own determination of when it is and when it is not in session. But our deference to the Senate cannot be absolute. When the Senate is without the capacity to act, under its own rules, it is not in session even if it so declares."</ref> This ruling allows the Senate to prevent recess appointments through the use of [[Pro forma#United States|pro-forma sessions]].<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/02/15/466849025/white-house-seems-to-rule-out-recess-appointment-to-replace-scalia |title=Obama Won't Appoint Scalia Replacement While Senate Is Out This Week |agency=[[NPR]] |access-date=January 25, 2017 |archive-date=December 3, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201203102745/https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/02/15/466849025/white-house-seems-to-rule-out-recess-appointment-to-replace-scalia |url-status=live}}</ref>
The Supreme Court's 2014 decision in ''[[National Labor Relations Board v. Noel Canning]]'' limited the ability of the president to make recess appointments (including appointments to the Supreme Court); the court ruled that the Senate decides when the Senate is in session or in recess. Writing for the court, Justice Breyer stated, "We hold that, for purposes of the Recess Appointments Clause, the Senate is in session when it says it is, provided that, under its own rules, it retains the capacity to transact Senate business."<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/12-1281_mc8p.pdf |title=National Relations Board v. Noel Canning et al |pages=34, 35 |access-date=June 27, 2017 |archive-date=December 12, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201212030517/https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/12-1281_mc8p.pdf |url-status=live}} The Court continued, "In our view, however, the pro forma sessions count as sessions, not as periods of recess. We hold that, for purposes of the Recess Appointments Clause, the Senate is in session when it says it is, provided that, under its own rules, it retains the capacity to transact Senate business. The Senate met that standard here." Later, the opinion states: "For these reasons, we conclude that we must give great weight to the Senate's own determination of when it is and when it is not in session. But our deference to the Senate cannot be absolute. When the Senate is without the capacity to act, under its own rules, it is not in session even if it so declares."</ref> This ruling allows the Senate to prevent recess appointments through the use of [[Pro forma#United States|pro-forma sessions]].<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/02/15/466849025/white-house-seems-to-rule-out-recess-appointment-to-replace-scalia |title=Obama Won't Appoint Scalia Replacement While Senate Is Out This Week |agency=[[NPR]] |access-date=January 25, 2017 |archive-date=December 3, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201203102745/https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/02/15/466849025/white-house-seems-to-rule-out-recess-appointment-to-replace-scalia |url-status=live}}</ref>


===Tenure===
===Tenure===
Lifetime tenure of justices can only be found for US federal judges and the State of Rhode Island's Supreme Court justices, with all other democratic nations and all other US states having set term limits or mandatory retirement ages.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Ziblatt |first1=Daniel |author-link1=Daniel Ziblatt |last2=Levitsky |first2=Steven |author-link2=Steven Levitsky |date=September 5, 2023 |title=How American Democracy Fell So Far Behind |url=https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/09/american-constitution-norway/675199/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230920224356/https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/09/american-constitution-norway/675199/ |archive-date=September 20, 2023 |access-date=September 20, 2023 |website=The Atlantic |language=en}}</ref> [[Larry Sabato]] wrote: "The insularity of lifetime tenure, combined with the appointments of relatively young attorneys who give long service on the bench, produces senior judges representing the views of past generations better than views of the current day."<ref name="tws23oct16" /> [[Sanford Levinson]] has been critical of justices who stayed in office despite medical deterioration based on longevity.<ref name="tws10oct12">{{cite news |last=Greenhouse |first=Linda |author-link=Linda Greenhouse |date=September 10, 2007 |title=New Focus on the Effects of Life Tenure |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/10/washington/10scotus.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100726224409/http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/10/washington/10scotus.html |archive-date=July 26, 2010 |access-date=October 10, 2009 |work=The New York Times}}</ref> [[James MacGregor Burns]] stated lifelong tenure has "produced a critical time lag, with the Supreme Court institutionally almost always behind the times."<ref name="tws27oct304">{{cite news |last=Kakutani |first=Michiko |author-link=Michiko Kakutani |date=July 6, 2009 |title=Appointees Who Really Govern America |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/07/books/07kaku.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110512175527/http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/07/books/07kaku.html |archive-date=May 12, 2011 |access-date=October 27, 2009 |work=The New York Times}}</ref> Proposals to solve these problems include [[term limit]]s for justices, as proposed by Levinson<ref name="tws10octxx">{{cite news |last=Levinson |first=Sanford |author-link=Sanford Levinson |date=February 9, 2009 |title=Supreme court prognosis – Ruth Bader Ginsburg's surgery for pancreatic cancer highlights why US supreme court justices shouldn't serve life terms |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/feb/09/supreme-court-ruth-bader-ginsburg |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130906035306/http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/feb/09/supreme-court-ruth-bader-ginsburg |archive-date=September 6, 2013 |access-date=October 10, 2009 |work=[[The Guardian]] |location=Manchester}}</ref> and Sabato<ref name="tws23oct16" /><ref>See also Arthur D. Hellman, "Reining in the Supreme Court: Are Term Limits the Answer?", in Roger C. Cramton and Paul D. Carrington, eds., ''Reforming the Court: Term Limits for Supreme Court Justices'' ([[Carolina Academic Press]], 2006), p. 291.</ref> and a mandatory retirement age proposed by [[Richard Allen Epstein|Richard Epstein]],<ref>[[Richard Epstein]], "Mandatory Retirement for Supreme Court Justices", in Roger C. Cramton and Paul D. Carrington, eds., ''Reforming the Court: Term Limits for Supreme Court Justices'' ([[Carolina Academic Press]], 2006), p. 415.</ref> among others.<ref>Brian Opeskin, "Models of Judicial Tenure: Reconsidering Life Limits, Age Limits and Term Limits for Judges", ''Oxford Journal of Legal Studies'' 2015 35: 627–663.</ref> [[Alexander Hamilton]] in ''[[Federalist 78]]'' argued that one benefit of lifetime tenure was that, "nothing can contribute so much to its firmness and independence as permanency in office."<ref name="tws28oct707">{{cite news |last=Hamilton |first=Alexander |author-link=Alexander Hamilton |date=June 14, 1788 |title=The Federalist No. 78 |url=http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa78.htm |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100111055502/http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa78.htm |archive-date=January 11, 2010 |access-date=October 28, 2009 |publisher=Independent Journal |quote=and that as nothing can contribute so much to its firmness and independence as permanency in office, this quality may therefore be justly regarded as an indispensable ingredient in its constitution, and, in a great measure, as the citadel of the public justice and the public security.}}</ref>{{Primary source inline|date=February 2024}}[[File:Inside the United States Supreme Court.jpg|thumb|upright=1.05|alt=The interior of the United States Supreme Court|The interior of the United States Supreme Court]]
Lifetime tenure of justices can only be found for US federal judges and the State of Rhode Island's Supreme Court justices, with all other democratic nations and all other US states having set term limits or mandatory retirement ages.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Ziblatt |first1=Daniel |author-link1=Daniel Ziblatt |last2=Levitsky |first2=Steven |author-link2=Steven Levitsky |date=September 5, 2023 |title=How American Democracy Fell So Far Behind |url=https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/09/american-constitution-norway/675199/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230920224356/https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/09/american-constitution-norway/675199/ |archive-date=September 20, 2023 |access-date=September 20, 2023 |website=The Atlantic |language=en}}</ref> [[Larry Sabato]] wrote: "The insularity of lifetime tenure, combined with the appointments of relatively young attorneys who give long service on the bench, produces senior judges representing the views of past generations better than views of the current day."<ref name="tws23oct16" /> [[Sanford Levinson]] has been critical of justices who stayed in office despite medical deterioration based on longevity.<ref name="tws10oct12">{{cite news |last=Greenhouse |first=Linda |author-link=Linda Greenhouse |date=September 10, 2007 |title=New Focus on the Effects of Life Tenure |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/10/washington/10scotus.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100726224409/http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/10/washington/10scotus.html |archive-date=July 26, 2010 |access-date=October 10, 2009 |work=The New York Times}}</ref> [[James MacGregor Burns]] stated lifelong tenure has "produced a critical time lag, with the Supreme Court institutionally almost always behind the times."<ref name="tws27oct304">{{cite news |last=Kakutani |first=Michiko |author-link=Michiko Kakutani |date=July 6, 2009 |title=Appointees Who Really Govern America |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/07/books/07kaku.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110512175527/http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/07/books/07kaku.html |archive-date=May 12, 2011 |access-date=October 27, 2009 |work=The New York Times}}</ref> Proposals to solve these problems include [[term limit]]s for justices, as proposed by Levinson<ref name="tws10octxx">{{cite news |last=Levinson |first=Sanford |author-link=Sanford Levinson |date=February 9, 2009 |title=Supreme court prognosis – Ruth Bader Ginsburg's surgery for pancreatic cancer highlights why US supreme court justices shouldn't serve life terms |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/feb/09/supreme-court-ruth-bader-ginsburg |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130906035306/http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/feb/09/supreme-court-ruth-bader-ginsburg |archive-date=September 6, 2013 |access-date=October 10, 2009 |work=The Guardian |location=Manchester}}</ref> and Sabato<ref name="tws23oct16" /><ref>See also Arthur D. Hellman, "Reining in the Supreme Court: Are Term Limits the Answer?", in Roger C. Cramton and Paul D. Carrington, eds., ''Reforming the Court: Term Limits for Supreme Court Justices'' ([[Carolina Academic Press]], 2006), p. 291.</ref> and a mandatory retirement age proposed by [[Richard Allen Epstein|Richard Epstein]],<ref>[[Richard Epstein]], "Mandatory Retirement for Supreme Court Justices", in Roger C. Cramton and Paul D. Carrington, eds., ''Reforming the Court: Term Limits for Supreme Court Justices'' ([[Carolina Academic Press]], 2006), p. 415.</ref> among others.<ref>Brian Opeskin, "Models of Judicial Tenure: Reconsidering Life Limits, Age Limits and Term Limits for Judges", ''Oxford Journal of Legal Studies'' 2015 35: 627–663.</ref> [[Alexander Hamilton]] in ''[[Federalist 78]]'' argued that one benefit of lifetime tenure was that, "nothing can contribute so much to its firmness and independence as permanency in office."<ref name="tws28oct707">{{cite news |last=Hamilton |first=Alexander |author-link=Alexander Hamilton |date=June 14, 1788 |title=The Federalist No. 78 |url=http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa78.htm |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100111055502/http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa78.htm |archive-date=January 11, 2010 |access-date=October 28, 2009 |publisher=Independent Journal |quote=and that as nothing can contribute so much to its firmness and independence as permanency in office, this quality may therefore be justly regarded as an indispensable ingredient in its constitution, and, in a great measure, as the citadel of the public justice and the public security.}}</ref>{{Primary source inline|date=February 2024}}[[File:Inside the United States Supreme Court.jpg|thumb|upright=1.05|alt=The interior of the United States Supreme Court|The interior of the United States Supreme Court]]
[[Good Behavior Clause|Article Three, Section 1]] of the Constitution provides that justices "shall hold their offices during good behavior", which is understood to mean that they may serve for the remainder of their lives, until death; furthermore, the phrase is generally interpreted to mean that the only way justices can be removed from office is by [[United States Congress|Congress]] via the [[Federal impeachment in the United States|impeachment process]]. The Framers of the Constitution chose good behavior tenure to limit the power to remove justices and to ensure [[judicial independence]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Prakash |first1=Saikrishna |author-link1=Saikrishna Prakash |first2=Steven D. |last2=Smith |title=(Mis)Understanding Good-Behavior Tenure |journal=The Yale Law Journal |volume=116 |issue=1 |date=2006 |pages=159–169 |doi=10.2307/20455716 |jstor=20455716 |s2cid=52212217}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Article III, Section One |first1=Richard W. |last1=Garnett |first2=David A. |last2=Strauss |url=https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/interpretation/article-iii/clauses/45 |location=Philadelphia, Pennsylvania |publisher=National Constitution Center |access-date=April 29, 2022 |archive-date=April 29, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220429081830/https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/interpretation/article-iii/clauses/45 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=How the Federal Courts Are Organized: Can a federal judge be fired? |url=http://www.fjc.gov/federal/courts.nsf/autoframe?OpenForm&nav=menu3c&page=/federal/courts.nsf/page/A783011AF949B6BF85256B35004AD214?opendocument |publisher=[[Federal Judicial Center]]. fjc.gov |access-date=March 18, 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120915143136/http://www.fjc.gov/federal/courts.nsf/autoframe?OpenForm&nav=menu3c&page=%2Ffederal%2Fcourts.nsf%2Fpage%2FA783011AF949B6BF85256B35004AD214%3Fopendocument |archive-date=September 15, 2012}}</ref> No constitutional mechanism exists for removing a justice who is permanently incapacitated by illness or injury, but unable (or unwilling) to resign.<ref name="hufpost">{{cite web |url=http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jacob-m-appel/anticipating-the-incapaci_b_266179.html |title=Anticipating the Incapacitated Justice |last=Appel |first=Jacob M. |date=August 22, 2009 |work=The Huffington Post |access-date=August 23, 2009 |archive-date=August 27, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090827005222/http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jacob-m-appel/anticipating-the-incapaci_b_266179.html |url-status=live}}</ref> The only justice ever to be impeached was [[Samuel Chase]], in 1804. The [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] adopted eight articles of impeachment against him; however, he was acquitted by the Senate, and remained in office until his death in 1811.<ref name=SCchase>{{cite web |title=Impeachment Trial of Justice Samuel Chase, 1804–05 |url=https://www.senate.gov/about/powers-procedures/impeachment/impeachment-chase.htm |publisher=Senate Historical Office |location=Washington, D.C. |access-date=April 29, 2022 |archive-date=May 3, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220503234655/https://www.senate.gov/about/powers-procedures/impeachment/impeachment-chase.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> Two justices, [[William O. Douglas]] and [[Abe Fortas]] were subjected to hearings from the Judiciary Committee, with Douglas being the subject of hearings twice, in 1953 and again in 1970 and Fortas resigned while hearings were being organized in 1969. On July 10, 2024, Representative [[Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez|Alexandria Ocasia-Cortez]] filed Articles of Impeachment against justices [[Clarence Thomas]] and [[Samuel Alito]], citing their "widely documented financial and personal entanglements."<ref name=Impeach>{{Cite web |date=Jul 10, 2024 |title=Ocasio-Cortez Introduces Articles of Impeachment Against Justice Thomas and Justice Alito |url=https://ocasio-cortez.house.gov/media/press-releases/ocasio-cortez-introduces-articles-impeachment-against-justice-thomas-and |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240710224618/https://ocasio-cortez.house.gov/media/press-releases/ocasio-cortez-introduces-articles-impeachment-against-justice-thomas-and |archive-date=Jul 10, 2024 |access-date=Jul 10, 2024}}</ref>
[[Good Behavior Clause|Article Three, Section 1]] of the Constitution provides that justices "shall hold their offices during good behavior", which is understood to mean that they may serve for the remainder of their lives, until death; furthermore, the phrase is generally interpreted to mean that the only way justices can be removed from office is by [[United States Congress|Congress]] via the [[Federal impeachment in the United States|impeachment process]]. The Framers of the Constitution chose good behavior tenure to limit the power to remove justices and to ensure [[judicial independence]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Prakash |first1=Saikrishna |author-link1=Saikrishna Prakash |first2=Steven D. |last2=Smith |title=(Mis)Understanding Good-Behavior Tenure |journal=The Yale Law Journal |volume=116 |issue=1 |date=2006 |pages=159–169 |doi=10.2307/20455716 |jstor=20455716 |s2cid=52212217}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Article III, Section One |first1=Richard W. |last1=Garnett |first2=David A. |last2=Strauss |url=https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/interpretation/article-iii/clauses/45 |location=Philadelphia, Pennsylvania |publisher=National Constitution Center |access-date=April 29, 2022 |archive-date=April 29, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220429081830/https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/interpretation/article-iii/clauses/45 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=How the Federal Courts Are Organized: Can a federal judge be fired? |url=http://www.fjc.gov/federal/courts.nsf/autoframe?OpenForm&nav=menu3c&page=/federal/courts.nsf/page/A783011AF949B6BF85256B35004AD214?opendocument |publisher=[[Federal Judicial Center]]. fjc.gov |access-date=March 18, 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120915143136/http://www.fjc.gov/federal/courts.nsf/autoframe?OpenForm&nav=menu3c&page=%2Ffederal%2Fcourts.nsf%2Fpage%2FA783011AF949B6BF85256B35004AD214%3Fopendocument |archive-date=September 15, 2012}}</ref> No constitutional mechanism exists for removing a justice who is permanently incapacitated by illness or injury, but unable (or unwilling) to resign.<ref name="hufpost">{{cite web |url=http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jacob-m-appel/anticipating-the-incapaci_b_266179.html |title=Anticipating the Incapacitated Justice |last=Appel |first=Jacob M. |date=August 22, 2009 |work=The Huffington Post |access-date=August 23, 2009 |archive-date=August 27, 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090827005222/http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jacob-m-appel/anticipating-the-incapaci_b_266179.html |url-status=live}}</ref> The only justice ever to be impeached was [[Samuel Chase]], in 1804. The [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] adopted eight articles of impeachment against him; however, he was acquitted by the Senate, and remained in office until his death in 1811.<ref name=SCchase>{{cite web |title=Impeachment Trial of Justice Samuel Chase, 1804–05 |url=https://www.senate.gov/about/powers-procedures/impeachment/impeachment-chase.htm |publisher=Senate Historical Office |location=Washington, D.C. |access-date=April 29, 2022 |archive-date=May 3, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220503234655/https://www.senate.gov/about/powers-procedures/impeachment/impeachment-chase.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> Two justices, [[William O. Douglas]] and [[Abe Fortas]] were subjected to hearings from the Judiciary Committee, with Douglas being the subject of hearings twice, in 1953 and again in 1970 and Fortas resigned while hearings were being organized in 1969. On July 10, 2024, Representative [[Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez|Alexandria Ocasia-Cortez]] filed Articles of Impeachment against justices [[Clarence Thomas]] and [[Samuel Alito]], citing their "widely documented financial and personal entanglements."<ref name=Impeach>{{Cite web |date=Jul 10, 2024 |title=Ocasio-Cortez Introduces Articles of Impeachment Against Justice Thomas and Justice Alito |url=https://ocasio-cortez.house.gov/media/press-releases/ocasio-cortez-introduces-articles-impeachment-against-justice-thomas-and |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240710224618/https://ocasio-cortez.house.gov/media/press-releases/ocasio-cortez-introduces-articles-impeachment-against-justice-thomas-and |archive-date=Jul 10, 2024 |access-date=Jul 10, 2024}}</ref>


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| {{sort|07|[[File:File-Official roberts CJ cropped.jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|07|[[File:File-Official roberts CJ cropped.jpg|100px]]}}
| (Chief Justice)<br />'''{{Sortname|John|Roberts}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1955|1|27}}<br />[[Buffalo, New York]]
| (Chief Justice)<br />'''{{Sortname|John|Roberts}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1955|1|27}}<br />[[Buffalo, New York]]
| {{sortname|G. W.|Bush|George W. Bush|Bush, GW}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname|G. W.|Bush|George W. Bush|Bush, GW}}<br />(R)
| [[John Roberts Supreme Court nominations|78–22]]
| [[John Roberts Supreme Court nominations|78–22]]
| 50
| 50
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| {{sort|09|[[File:Clarence Thomas official SCOTUS portrait (cropped).jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|09|[[File:Clarence Thomas official SCOTUS portrait (cropped).jpg|100px]]}}
| '''{{Sortname|Clarence|Thomas}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1948|6|23}}<br />[[Pin Point, Georgia]]
| '''{{Sortname|Clarence|Thomas}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1948|6|23}}<br />[[Pin Point, Georgia]]
| {{sortname|G. H. W.|Bush|George H. W. Bush|Bush, GHW}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname|G. H. W.|Bush|George H. W. Bush|Bush, GHW}}<br />(R)
| [[Clarence Thomas Supreme Court nomination|52–48]]
| [[Clarence Thomas Supreme Court nomination|52–48]]
| 43
| 43
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| {{sort|01|[[File:Samuel Alito official photo (cropped).jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|01|[[File:Samuel Alito official photo (cropped).jpg|100px]]}}
| '''{{Sortname|Samuel|Alito}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1950|4|1}}<br />[[Trenton, New Jersey]]
| '''{{Sortname|Samuel|Alito}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1950|4|1}}<br />[[Trenton, New Jersey]]
| {{sortname|G. W.|Bush|George W. Bush|Bush, GW}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname|G. W.|Bush|George W. Bush|Bush, GW}}<br />(R)
| [[Samuel Alito Supreme Court nomination|58–42]]
| [[Samuel Alito Supreme Court nomination|58–42]]
| 55
| 55
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| {{sort|04|[[File:Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch Official Portrait (cropped 2).jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|04|[[File:Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch Official Portrait (cropped 2).jpg|100px]]}}
| '''{{Sortname|Neil|Gorsuch}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1967|8|29}}<br />[[Denver|Denver, Colorado]]
| '''{{Sortname|Neil|Gorsuch}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1967|8|29}}<br />[[Denver|Denver, Colorado]]
| {{sortname||Trump|Donald Trump|Trump, Donald}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname||Trump|Donald Trump|Trump, Donald}}<br />(R)
| [[Neil Gorsuch Supreme Court nomination|54–45]]
| [[Neil Gorsuch Supreme Court nomination|54–45]]
| 49
| 49
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| {{sort|06|[[File:Associate Justice Brett Kavanaugh Official Portrait.jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|06|[[File:Associate Justice Brett Kavanaugh Official Portrait.jpg|100px]]}}
| '''{{Sortname|Brett|Kavanaugh}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1965|2|12}}<br />[[Washington, D.C.]]
| '''{{Sortname|Brett|Kavanaugh}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1965|2|12}}<br />[[Washington, D.C.]]
| {{sortname||Trump|Donald Trump|Trump, Donald}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname||Trump|Donald Trump|Trump, Donald}}<br />(R)
| [[Brett Kavanaugh Supreme Court nomination|50–48]]
| [[Brett Kavanaugh Supreme Court nomination|50–48]]
| 53
| 53
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| {{sort|02|[[File:Amy Coney Barrett official portrait.jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|02|[[File:Amy Coney Barrett official portrait.jpg|100px]]}}
| '''{{Sortname|Amy Coney|Barrett}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1972|1|28}}<br />[[New Orleans]], [[Louisiana]]
| '''{{Sortname|Amy Coney|Barrett}}'''<br />{{birth date and age|1972|1|28}}<br />[[New Orleans]], [[Louisiana]]
| {{sortname||Trump|Donald Trump|Trump, Donald}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname||Trump|Donald Trump|Trump, Donald}}<br />(R)
| [[Amy Coney Barrett Supreme Court nomination|52–48]]
| [[Amy Coney Barrett Supreme Court nomination|52–48]]
| 48
| 48
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Devins and Baum argue that before 2010, the Court never had clear ideological blocs that fell perfectly along party lines. In choosing their appointments, Presidents often focused more on friendship and political connections than on ideology. Republican presidents sometimes appointed liberals and Democratic presidents sometimes appointed conservatives. As a result, "... between 1790 and early 2010 there were only two decisions that the ''Guide to the U.S. Supreme Court'' designated as important and that had at least two dissenting votes in which the Justices divided along party lines, about one-half of one percent."<ref name="DevinsBaum">{{cite journal |last1=Devins |first1=Neal |last2=Baum |first2=Lawrence |date=2017 |title=Split definitive: How party polarization turned the Supreme Court into a partisan court |url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdf/10.1086/691096 |journal=The Supreme Court Review |publisher=University of Chicago Law School |volume=2016 |issue=1 |pages=301–365 |doi=10.1086/691096 |s2cid=142355294 |access-date=November 13, 2022}}</ref>{{rp|316}}<ref name="DevinsBaumBook">{{cite book |last1=Baum |first1=Lawrence |url=https://wwws.law.northwestern.edu/research-faculty/events/colloquium/public-law/documents/devins_baum_the%20company%20they%20keep.pdf |title=The company they keep: How partisan divisions came to the Supreme Court |last2=Devins |first2=Neal |date=2019 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0190278052}}</ref> Even in the turbulent 1960s and 1970s, Democratic and Republican elites tended to agree on some major issues, especially concerning civil rights and civil liberties—and so did the justices. But since 1991, they argue, ideology has been much more important in choosing justices—all Republican appointees have been committed conservatives and all Democratic appointees have been liberals.<ref name="DevinsBaum" />{{rp|331–344}} As the more moderate Republican justices retired, the court has become more partisan. The Court became more divided sharply along partisan lines with justices appointed by Republican presidents taking increasingly conservative positions and those appointed by Democrats taking moderate liberal positions.<ref name="DevinsBaum" />{{rp|357}}
Devins and Baum argue that before 2010, the Court never had clear ideological blocs that fell perfectly along party lines. In choosing their appointments, Presidents often focused more on friendship and political connections than on ideology. Republican presidents sometimes appointed liberals and Democratic presidents sometimes appointed conservatives. As a result, "... between 1790 and early 2010 there were only two decisions that the ''Guide to the U.S. Supreme Court'' designated as important and that had at least two dissenting votes in which the Justices divided along party lines, about one-half of one percent."<ref name="DevinsBaum">{{cite journal |last1=Devins |first1=Neal |last2=Baum |first2=Lawrence |date=2017 |title=Split definitive: How party polarization turned the Supreme Court into a partisan court |url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdf/10.1086/691096 |journal=The Supreme Court Review |publisher=University of Chicago Law School |volume=2016 |issue=1 |pages=301–365 |doi=10.1086/691096 |s2cid=142355294 |access-date=November 13, 2022}}</ref>{{rp|316}}<ref name="DevinsBaumBook">{{cite book |last1=Baum |first1=Lawrence |url=https://wwws.law.northwestern.edu/research-faculty/events/colloquium/public-law/documents/devins_baum_the%20company%20they%20keep.pdf |title=The company they keep: How partisan divisions came to the Supreme Court |last2=Devins |first2=Neal |date=2019 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0190278052}}</ref> Even in the turbulent 1960s and 1970s, Democratic and Republican elites tended to agree on some major issues, especially concerning civil rights and civil liberties—and so did the justices. But since 1991, they argue, ideology has been much more important in choosing justices—all Republican appointees have been committed conservatives and all Democratic appointees have been liberals.<ref name="DevinsBaum" />{{rp|331–344}} As the more moderate Republican justices retired, the court has become more partisan. The Court became more divided sharply along partisan lines with justices appointed by Republican presidents taking increasingly conservative positions and those appointed by Democrats taking moderate liberal positions.<ref name="DevinsBaum" />{{rp|357}}
[[File:U.S. Supreme Court by the Party of the nominating President.png|thumb|Balance of the US Supreme Court since 2020, shaded by party of the nominating president: Blue represents a [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] president and red a [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] president]]
[[File:U.S. Supreme Court by the Party of the nominating President.png|thumb|Balance of the US Supreme Court since 2020, shaded by party of the nominating president: Blue represents a Democratic president and red a [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] president]]
Following the confirmation of [[Amy Coney Barrett]] in 2020 after the death of [[Ruth Bader Ginsburg]], the court is composed of six justices appointed by Republican presidents and three appointed by Democratic presidents. It is popularly accepted that Chief Justice [[John Roberts|Roberts]] and associate justices [[Clarence Thomas|Thomas]], [[Samuel Alito|Alito]], [[Neil Gorsuch|Gorsuch]], [[Brett Kavanaugh|Kavanaugh]], and Barrett, appointed by Republican presidents, compose the court's conservative wing, and that Justices [[Sonia Sotomayor|Sotomayor]], [[Elena Kagan|Kagan]], and [[Ketanji Brown Jackson|Jackson]], appointed by Democratic presidents, compose the court's liberal wing.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Liptak |first=Adam |author-link=Adam Liptak |date=February 25, 2022 |title=Judge Jackson's Rulings: Detailed, Methodical and Leaning Left |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/25/us/supreme-court-ketanji-brown-jackson-rulings.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230503193032/https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/25/us/supreme-court-ketanji-brown-jackson-rulings.html |archive-date=May 3, 2023 |access-date=May 3, 2023 |work=The New York Times |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>  
Following the confirmation of [[Amy Coney Barrett]] in 2020 after the death of [[Ruth Bader Ginsburg]], the court is composed of six justices appointed by Republican presidents and three appointed by Democratic presidents. It is popularly accepted that Chief Justice [[John Roberts|Roberts]] and associate justices [[Clarence Thomas|Thomas]], [[Samuel Alito|Alito]], [[Neil Gorsuch|Gorsuch]], [[Brett Kavanaugh|Kavanaugh]], and Barrett, appointed by Republican presidents, compose the court's conservative wing, and that Justices [[Sonia Sotomayor|Sotomayor]], [[Elena Kagan|Kagan]], and [[Ketanji Brown Jackson|Jackson]], appointed by Democratic presidents, compose the court's liberal wing.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Liptak |first=Adam |author-link=Adam Liptak |date=February 25, 2022 |title=Judge Jackson's Rulings: Detailed, Methodical and Leaning Left |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/25/us/supreme-court-ketanji-brown-jackson-rulings.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230503193032/https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/25/us/supreme-court-ketanji-brown-jackson-rulings.html |archive-date=May 3, 2023 |access-date=May 3, 2023 |work=The New York Times |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>  
Prior to Justice Ginsburg's death in 2020, the conservative Chief Justice Roberts was sometimes described as the court's 'median justice' (with four justices more liberal and four more conservative than he is).<ref>{{cite news |last=Betz |first=Bradford |date=March 2, 2019 |title=Chief Justice Roberts' recent votes raise doubts about 'conservative revolution' on Supreme Court |url=https://www.foxnews.com/us/chief-justice-roberts-recent-voting-record-downplays-notion-of-conservative-revolution-in-supreme-court |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201118001952/https://www.foxnews.com/us/chief-justice-roberts-recent-voting-record-downplays-notion-of-conservative-revolution-in-supreme-court |archive-date=November 18, 2020 |access-date=April 20, 2019 |work=[[Fox News]] |quote=Erwin Chemerinsky, a law professor at the University of California at Berkeley, told Bloomberg that Roberts' recent voting record may indicate that he is taking his role as the median justice "very seriously" and that the recent period was "perhaps the beginning of his being the swing justice."}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Roeder |first=Oliver |date=October 6, 2018 |title=How Kavanaugh will change the Supreme Court |url=https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/how-kavanaugh-will-change-the-supreme-court/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201207162032/https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/how-kavanaugh-will-change-the-supreme-court/ |archive-date=December 7, 2020 |access-date=April 20, 2019 |work=[[FiveThirtyEight]] |quote=Based on what we know about measuring the ideology of justices and judges, the Supreme Court will soon take a hard and quick turn to the right. It's a new path that is likely to last for years. Chief Justice John Roberts, a George W. Bush appointee, will almost certainly become the new median justice, defining the court's new ideological center.}}</ref> Darragh Roche argues that Kavanaugh as 2021's median justice exemplifies the rightward shift in the court.<ref name="median">{{cite news |last=Roche |first=Darragh |date=October 5, 2021 |title=Brett Kavanaugh Is Supreme Court's Ideological Median as New Term Begins |url=https://www.newsweek.com/brett-kavanaugh-supreme-court-ideological-median-new-term-conservatives-1635584 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211030175713/https://www.newsweek.com/brett-kavanaugh-supreme-court-ideological-median-new-term-conservatives-1635584 |archive-date=October 30, 2021 |access-date=October 30, 2021 |work=Newsweek}}</ref>{{Update inline|date=February 2024}}
Prior to Justice Ginsburg's death in 2020, the conservative Chief Justice Roberts was sometimes described as the court's 'median justice' (with four justices more liberal and four more conservative than he is).<ref>{{cite news |last=Betz |first=Bradford |date=March 2, 2019 |title=Chief Justice Roberts' recent votes raise doubts about 'conservative revolution' on Supreme Court |url=https://www.foxnews.com/us/chief-justice-roberts-recent-voting-record-downplays-notion-of-conservative-revolution-in-supreme-court |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201118001952/https://www.foxnews.com/us/chief-justice-roberts-recent-voting-record-downplays-notion-of-conservative-revolution-in-supreme-court |archive-date=November 18, 2020 |access-date=April 20, 2019 |work=[[Fox News]] |quote=Erwin Chemerinsky, a law professor at the University of California at Berkeley, told Bloomberg that Roberts' recent voting record may indicate that he is taking his role as the median justice "very seriously" and that the recent period was "perhaps the beginning of his being the swing justice."}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Roeder |first=Oliver |date=October 6, 2018 |title=How Kavanaugh will change the Supreme Court |url=https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/how-kavanaugh-will-change-the-supreme-court/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201207162032/https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/how-kavanaugh-will-change-the-supreme-court/ |archive-date=December 7, 2020 |access-date=April 20, 2019 |work=[[FiveThirtyEight]] |quote=Based on what we know about measuring the ideology of justices and judges, the Supreme Court will soon take a hard and quick turn to the right. It's a new path that is likely to last for years. Chief Justice John Roberts, a George W. Bush appointee, will almost certainly become the new median justice, defining the court's new ideological center.}}</ref> Darragh Roche argues that Kavanaugh as 2021's median justice exemplifies the rightward shift in the court.<ref name="median">{{cite news |last=Roche |first=Darragh |date=October 5, 2021 |title=Brett Kavanaugh Is Supreme Court's Ideological Median as New Term Begins |url=https://www.newsweek.com/brett-kavanaugh-supreme-court-ideological-median-new-term-conservatives-1635584 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211030175713/https://www.newsweek.com/brett-kavanaugh-supreme-court-ideological-median-new-term-conservatives-1635584 |archive-date=October 30, 2021 |access-date=October 30, 2021 |work=Newsweek}}</ref>{{Update inline|date=February 2024}}
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| {{sort|02|[[File:Anthony Kennedy official SCOTUS portrait crop.jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|02|[[File:Anthony Kennedy official SCOTUS portrait crop.jpg|100px]]}}
| {{Sortname|Anthony|Kennedy}}<br />{{dts|1936|7|23}}<br />[[Sacramento, California]]
| {{Sortname|Anthony|Kennedy}}<br />{{dts|1936|7|23}}<br />[[Sacramento, California]]
| {{sortname||Reagan|Ronald Reagan|Reagan, Ronald}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname||Reagan|Ronald Reagan|Reagan, Ronald}}<br />(R)
| 82
| 82
| {{age nts|1936|7|23}}
| {{age nts|1936|7|23}}
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| {{sort|04|[[File:DavidSouter.jpg|100px]]}}
| {{sort|04|[[File:DavidSouter.jpg|100px]]}}
| [[David Souter]]<br />{{dts|1939|9|17}}<br />[[Melrose, Massachusetts]]
| [[David Souter]]<br />{{dts|1939|9|17}}<br />[[Melrose, Massachusetts]]
| {{sortname|G. H. W.|Bush|George H. W. Bush|Bush, GHW}}<br />([[Republican Party (United States)|R]])
| {{sortname|G. H. W.|Bush|George H. W. Bush|Bush, GHW}}<br />(R)
| 69
| 69
| {{age nts|1939|9|17}}
| {{age nts|1939|9|17}}
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Ethical controversies have grown during the 2020s, with reports of justices (and their close family members) accepting expensive gifts, travel, business deals, and speaking fees without oversight or [[recusal]]s from cases that present conflicts of interest.<ref>{{Cite news |date=September 7, 2023 |title=Can America's Supreme Court police itself? |newspaper=The Economist |url=https://www.economist.com/united-states/2023/09/07/can-americas-supreme-court-police-itself |access-date=September 21, 2023 |issn=0013-0613 |archive-date=September 21, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230921010330/https://www.economist.com/united-states/2023/09/07/can-americas-supreme-court-police-itself |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last1=Slodysko |first1=Bryan |last2=Tucker |first2=Eric |date=July 11, 2023 |title=Supreme Court Justice Sotomayor's staff prodded colleges and libraries to buy her books |url=https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-sotomayor-book-sales-ethics-colleges-b2cb93493f927f995829762cb8338c02 |access-date=November 13, 2023 |website=AP News |language=en |archive-date=November 13, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231113215428/https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-sotomayor-book-sales-ethics-colleges-b2cb93493f927f995829762cb8338c02 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Gerber |first=Scott Douglas |date=April 23, 2021 |title=Opinion: Why Supreme Court justices should not be signing $2 million book deals |url=https://thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/549501-supreme-court-justices-should-not-be-signing-million-dollar-book-deals/ |access-date=March 26, 2023 |website=The Hill |language=en-US |archive-date=March 26, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230326220528/https://thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/549501-supreme-court-justices-should-not-be-signing-million-dollar-book-deals/ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Liptak |first=Adam |author-link=Adam Liptak |date=June 22, 2016 |title=Justices Disclose Privately Paid Trips and Gifts |language=en-US |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/23/us/politics/justices-disclose-privately-paid-trips-and-gifts.html |url-status=live |access-date=February 13, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200213193547/https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/23/us/politics/justices-disclose-privately-paid-trips-and-gifts.html |archive-date=February 13, 2020 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Berman |first1=Mark |last2=Markon |first2=Jerry |date=February 17, 2016 |title=Why Justice Scalia was staying for free at a Texas resort |newspaper=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2016/02/17/justice-scalias-death-and-questions-about-who-pays-for-supreme-court-justices-to-visit-remote-resorts/ |url-status=live |access-date=July 24, 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170624001801/https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2016/02/17/justice-scalias-death-and-questions-about-who-pays-for-supreme-court-justices-to-visit-remote-resorts/ |archive-date=June 24, 2017}}</ref><ref name="NYT226">{{cite news |last=Lipton |first=Eric |date=February 26, 2016 |title=Scalia Took Dozens of Trips Funded by Private Sponsors |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/27/us/politics/scalia-led-court-in-taking-trips-funded-by-private-sponsors.html |url-status=live |access-date=September 15, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210107010320/https://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/27/us/politics/scalia-led-court-in-taking-trips-funded-by-private-sponsors.html |archive-date=January 7, 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=O'Brien |first=Reity |date=June 20, 2014 |title=Justice Obscured: Supreme court justices earn quarter-million in cash on the side |publisher=[[Center for Public Integrity]] |url=https://www.publicintegrity.org/2014/06/20/14981/supreme-court-justices-earn-quarter-million-cash-side |url-status=live |access-date=July 24, 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170712155235/https://www.publicintegrity.org/2014/06/20/14981/supreme-court-justices-earn-quarter-million-cash-side |archive-date=July 12, 2017}}</ref> Spousal income and connections to cases has been redacted from the Justices' ethical disclosure forms<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Fuchs |first1=Hailey |last2=Gerstein |first2=Josh |last3=Canellos |first3=Peter |date=September 29, 2022 |title=Justices shield spouses' work from potential conflict of interest disclosures |url=https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/29/justices-spouses-conflict-of-interest-disclosures-00059549 |access-date=October 5, 2022 |website=POLITICO |language=en |archive-date=October 5, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221005044753/https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/29/justices-spouses-conflict-of-interest-disclosures-00059549 |url-status=live }}</ref> while justices, such as [[Samuel Alito]] and [[Clarence Thomas]], [[Clarence Thomas#Nondisclosure of finances|failed to disclose many large financial gifts]] including free vacations valued at as much as $500,000.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Jones |first=Dustin |date=May 5, 2023 |title=What to know about the Supreme Court and ethical concerns |work=NPR |url=https://www.npr.org/2023/05/05/1174057179/supreme-court-congress-ethical-hearing |access-date=May 5, 2023 |archive-date=May 5, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230505212955/https://www.npr.org/2023/05/05/1174057179/supreme-court-congress-ethical-hearing |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Kaplan |first1=Joshua |title=Friends of the Court |url=https://www.propublica.org/series/supreme-court-scotus |access-date=February 11, 2024 |publisher=ProPublica}}</ref> In 2024, Justices Alito and Thomas refused calls to recuse themselves from [[January 6 United States Capitol attack|January 6th]] cases where their spouses have taken public stances or been involved in efforts to overturn the election.<ref name="NYT-202405293">{{cite news |last=Raskin |first=Jamie |author-link=Jamie Raskin |date=May 29, 2024 |title=Jamie Raskin: How to Force Justices Alito and Thomas to Recuse Themselves in the Jan. 6 Cases |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/29/opinion/alito-thomas-recuse-trump-jan-6.html |url-status=live |archiveurl=https://archive.today/20240529182827/https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/29/opinion/alito-thomas-recuse-trump-jan-6.html |archivedate=May 29, 2024 |accessdate=May 29, 2024 |work=The New York Times}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Pilkington |first=Ed |date=May 31, 2024 |title=Samuel Alito's refusal to recuse himself in Trump v US is another ethics breach |url=https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/may/31/samuel-alito-trump-recusal-ethics-breach |access-date=2024-06-06 |work=The Guardian |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Millhiser |first=Ian |author-link=Ian Millhiser |date=May 29, 2024 |title=Alito says the Supreme Court's fake ethics code allows him to be unethical |url=https://www.vox.com/scotus/352380/supreme-court-alito-ethics-recusal-insurrection-flags |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=Vox |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite news |last=Smith |first=David |date=2024-06-15 |title=How the US supreme court could be a key election issue: 'They've grown too powerful' |url=https://www.theguardian.com/law/article/2024/jun/15/supreme-court-election-issue |access-date=2024-06-15 |work=The Guardian |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> In 2017, Neil Gorsuch sold a property he co-owned for $1.8 million to the CEO of [[Greenberg Traurig|a prominent law firm]],<ref name=":02">{{Cite web |last1=Schneider |first1=Jessica |last2=Sneed |first2=Tierney |date=2023-04-25 |title=Justice Neil Gorsuch's property sale to prominent lawyer raises more ethical questions {{!}} CNN Politics |url=https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/25/politics/gorsuch-property-sale-lawyer-ethics/index.html |access-date=2024-08-23 |website=CNN |language=en}}</ref> who was not listed on his ethics form when reporting a profit of between $250,000 and $500,000.<ref name=":02" /><ref>{{Cite web |last=Stieb |first=Matt |date=2023-04-25 |title=It's Neil Gorsuch's Turn for a Financial Scandal |url=https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2023/04/its-neil-gorsuchs-turn-for-a-financial-scandal.html |access-date=2024-08-23 |website=Intelligencer |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Wang |first=Amy B. |date=2023-05-11 |title=Gorsuch property sale renews calls for Supreme Court ethics reform |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/04/25/neil-gorsuch-property-sale-law-firm-ethics/ |access-date=2024-08-23 |newspaper=Washington Post |language=en-US |issn=0190-8286}}</ref>
Ethical controversies have grown during the 2020s, with reports of justices (and their close family members) accepting expensive gifts, travel, business deals, and speaking fees without oversight or [[recusal]]s from cases that present conflicts of interest.<ref>{{Cite news |date=September 7, 2023 |title=Can America's Supreme Court police itself? |newspaper=The Economist |url=https://www.economist.com/united-states/2023/09/07/can-americas-supreme-court-police-itself |access-date=September 21, 2023 |issn=0013-0613 |archive-date=September 21, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230921010330/https://www.economist.com/united-states/2023/09/07/can-americas-supreme-court-police-itself |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last1=Slodysko |first1=Bryan |last2=Tucker |first2=Eric |date=July 11, 2023 |title=Supreme Court Justice Sotomayor's staff prodded colleges and libraries to buy her books |url=https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-sotomayor-book-sales-ethics-colleges-b2cb93493f927f995829762cb8338c02 |access-date=November 13, 2023 |website=AP News |language=en |archive-date=November 13, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231113215428/https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-sotomayor-book-sales-ethics-colleges-b2cb93493f927f995829762cb8338c02 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Gerber |first=Scott Douglas |date=April 23, 2021 |title=Opinion: Why Supreme Court justices should not be signing $2 million book deals |url=https://thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/549501-supreme-court-justices-should-not-be-signing-million-dollar-book-deals/ |access-date=March 26, 2023 |website=The Hill |language=en-US |archive-date=March 26, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230326220528/https://thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/549501-supreme-court-justices-should-not-be-signing-million-dollar-book-deals/ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Liptak |first=Adam |author-link=Adam Liptak |date=June 22, 2016 |title=Justices Disclose Privately Paid Trips and Gifts |language=en-US |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/23/us/politics/justices-disclose-privately-paid-trips-and-gifts.html |url-status=live |access-date=February 13, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200213193547/https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/23/us/politics/justices-disclose-privately-paid-trips-and-gifts.html |archive-date=February 13, 2020 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Berman |first1=Mark |last2=Markon |first2=Jerry |date=February 17, 2016 |title=Why Justice Scalia was staying for free at a Texas resort |newspaper=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2016/02/17/justice-scalias-death-and-questions-about-who-pays-for-supreme-court-justices-to-visit-remote-resorts/ |url-status=live |access-date=July 24, 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170624001801/https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2016/02/17/justice-scalias-death-and-questions-about-who-pays-for-supreme-court-justices-to-visit-remote-resorts/ |archive-date=June 24, 2017}}</ref><ref name="NYT226">{{cite news |last=Lipton |first=Eric |date=February 26, 2016 |title=Scalia Took Dozens of Trips Funded by Private Sponsors |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/27/us/politics/scalia-led-court-in-taking-trips-funded-by-private-sponsors.html |url-status=live |access-date=September 15, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210107010320/https://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/27/us/politics/scalia-led-court-in-taking-trips-funded-by-private-sponsors.html |archive-date=January 7, 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=O'Brien |first=Reity |date=June 20, 2014 |title=Justice Obscured: Supreme court justices earn quarter-million in cash on the side |publisher=[[Center for Public Integrity]] |url=https://www.publicintegrity.org/2014/06/20/14981/supreme-court-justices-earn-quarter-million-cash-side |url-status=live |access-date=July 24, 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170712155235/https://www.publicintegrity.org/2014/06/20/14981/supreme-court-justices-earn-quarter-million-cash-side |archive-date=July 12, 2017}}</ref> Spousal income and connections to cases has been redacted from the Justices' ethical disclosure forms<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Fuchs |first1=Hailey |last2=Gerstein |first2=Josh |last3=Canellos |first3=Peter |date=September 29, 2022 |title=Justices shield spouses' work from potential conflict of interest disclosures |url=https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/29/justices-spouses-conflict-of-interest-disclosures-00059549 |access-date=October 5, 2022 |website=POLITICO |language=en |archive-date=October 5, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221005044753/https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/29/justices-spouses-conflict-of-interest-disclosures-00059549 |url-status=live }}</ref> while justices, such as [[Samuel Alito]] and [[Clarence Thomas]], [[Clarence Thomas#Nondisclosure of finances|failed to disclose many large financial gifts]] including free vacations valued at as much as $500,000.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Jones |first=Dustin |date=May 5, 2023 |title=What to know about the Supreme Court and ethical concerns |work=NPR |url=https://www.npr.org/2023/05/05/1174057179/supreme-court-congress-ethical-hearing |access-date=May 5, 2023 |archive-date=May 5, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230505212955/https://www.npr.org/2023/05/05/1174057179/supreme-court-congress-ethical-hearing |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Kaplan |first1=Joshua |title=Friends of the Court |url=https://www.propublica.org/series/supreme-court-scotus |access-date=February 11, 2024 |publisher=ProPublica}}</ref> In 2024, Justices Alito and Thomas refused calls to recuse themselves from [[January 6 United States Capitol attack|January 6th]] cases where their spouses have taken public stances or been involved in efforts to overturn the election.<ref name="NYT-202405293">{{cite news |last=Raskin |first=Jamie |author-link=Jamie Raskin |date=May 29, 2024 |title=Jamie Raskin: How to Force Justices Alito and Thomas to Recuse Themselves in the Jan. 6 Cases |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/29/opinion/alito-thomas-recuse-trump-jan-6.html |url-status=live |archiveurl=https://archive.today/20240529182827/https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/29/opinion/alito-thomas-recuse-trump-jan-6.html |archivedate=May 29, 2024 |accessdate=May 29, 2024 |work=The New York Times}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Pilkington |first=Ed |date=May 31, 2024 |title=Samuel Alito's refusal to recuse himself in Trump v US is another ethics breach |url=https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/may/31/samuel-alito-trump-recusal-ethics-breach |access-date=2024-06-06 |work=The Guardian |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Millhiser |first=Ian |author-link=Ian Millhiser |date=May 29, 2024 |title=Alito says the Supreme Court's fake ethics code allows him to be unethical |url=https://www.vox.com/scotus/352380/supreme-court-alito-ethics-recusal-insurrection-flags |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=Vox |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite news |last=Smith |first=David |date=2024-06-15 |title=How the US supreme court could be a key election issue: 'They've grown too powerful' |url=https://www.theguardian.com/law/article/2024/jun/15/supreme-court-election-issue |access-date=2024-06-15 |work=The Guardian |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> In 2017, Neil Gorsuch sold a property he co-owned for $1.8 million to the CEO of [[Greenberg Traurig|a prominent law firm]],<ref name=":02">{{Cite web |last1=Schneider |first1=Jessica |last2=Sneed |first2=Tierney |date=2023-04-25 |title=Justice Neil Gorsuch's property sale to prominent lawyer raises more ethical questions {{!}} CNN Politics |url=https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/25/politics/gorsuch-property-sale-lawyer-ethics/index.html |access-date=2024-08-23 |website=CNN |language=en}}</ref> who was not listed on his ethics form when reporting a profit of between $250,000 and $500,000.<ref name=":02" /><ref>{{Cite web |last=Stieb |first=Matt |date=2023-04-25 |title=It's Neil Gorsuch's Turn for a Financial Scandal |url=https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2023/04/its-neil-gorsuchs-turn-for-a-financial-scandal.html |access-date=2024-08-23 |website=Intelligencer |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Wang |first=Amy B. |date=2023-05-11 |title=Gorsuch property sale renews calls for Supreme Court ethics reform |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/04/25/neil-gorsuch-property-sale-law-firm-ethics/ |access-date=2024-08-23 |newspaper=Washington Post |language=en-US |issn=0190-8286}}</ref>


The criticism intensified after the 2024 ''[[Trump v. United States (2024)|Trump v. United States]]'' decision granted broad immunity to presidents, with Representative [[Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez]] saying she would introduce impeachment articles when Congress is back in session.<ref>{{cite web |last=Levien |first=Simon |date=July 1, 2024 |title=Supreme Court Gives Trump Substantial Immunity From Prosecution |url=https://www.nytimes.com/live/2024/07/01/us/trump-immunity-supreme-court/3c9b3a9a-897e-5ca5-a810-ed8d11bca015?smid=url-share |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240701182808/https://www.nytimes.com/live/2024/07/01/us/trump-immunity-supreme-court/3c9b3a9a-897e-5ca5-a810-ed8d11bca015?smid=url-share |archive-date=July 1, 2024 |access-date= |work=The New York Times}}</ref> On July 10, 2024, she filed Articles of Impeachment against Thomas and Alito, citing their "widely documented financial and personal entanglements."<ref>{{cite web | url=https://time.com/6997245/aoc-impeachment-supreme-court-clarence-thomas-samuel-alito/ | title=AOC Moves to Impeach Supreme Court Justices Thomas and Alito | date=July 11, 2024 |first=Kimberly Strawbridge |last=Robinson }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-rep-ocasio-cortez-calls-impeachment-supreme-courts-thomas-alito-2024-07-10/ |date=July 10, 2024 |work=[[Reuters]] |first1=Moira |last1=Warburton |first2=Makini |last2=Brice |title=Ocasio-Cortez seeks US House impeachment of Supreme Court's Thomas, Alito}}</ref><ref name=Impeach/><ref>{{Cite magazine |last=Hartmann |first=Thom |author-link=Thom Hartmann |date=July 12, 2024 |title=AOC's Move on Thomas and Alito Has All the Right Historical Echoes |url=https://newrepublic.com/article/183762/aoc-impeachment-thomas-alito-historical-echoes |access-date=2024-07-14 |magazine=The New Republic |issn=0028-6583}}</ref> As of late July, 2024, nearly 1.4 million people had signed a [[moveon.org]] petition asking Congress to remove Justice Thomas.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/move-on-petition-to-impeach-justice-clarence-thomas-gets-1-4-million-signatures/ | title=Move-On petition to impeach Justice Clarence Thomas gets 1.4 million signatures | date=July 26, 2024 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://sign.moveon.org/petitions/clarence-thomas-must-go | title=Clarence Thomas must be removed from the Supreme Court! }}</ref>
The criticism intensified after the 2024 ''[[Trump v. United States (2024)|Trump v. United States]]'' decision granted broad immunity to presidents, with Representative [[Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez]] saying she would introduce impeachment articles when Congress is back in session.<ref>{{cite web |last=Levien |first=Simon |date=July 1, 2024 |title=Supreme Court Gives Trump Substantial Immunity From Prosecution |url=https://www.nytimes.com/live/2024/07/01/us/trump-immunity-supreme-court/3c9b3a9a-897e-5ca5-a810-ed8d11bca015?smid=url-share |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240701182808/https://www.nytimes.com/live/2024/07/01/us/trump-immunity-supreme-court/3c9b3a9a-897e-5ca5-a810-ed8d11bca015?smid=url-share |archive-date=July 1, 2024 |access-date= |work=The New York Times}}</ref> On July 10, 2024, she filed Articles of Impeachment against Thomas and Alito, citing their "widely documented financial and personal entanglements."<ref>{{cite web | url=https://time.com/6997245/aoc-impeachment-supreme-court-clarence-thomas-samuel-alito/ | title=AOC Moves to Impeach Supreme Court Justices Thomas and Alito | date=July 11, 2024 |first=Kimberly Strawbridge |last=Robinson }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-rep-ocasio-cortez-calls-impeachment-supreme-courts-thomas-alito-2024-07-10/ |date=July 10, 2024 |work=Reuters |first1=Moira |last1=Warburton |first2=Makini |last2=Brice |title=Ocasio-Cortez seeks US House impeachment of Supreme Court's Thomas, Alito}}</ref><ref name=Impeach/><ref>{{Cite magazine |last=Hartmann |first=Thom |author-link=Thom Hartmann |date=July 12, 2024 |title=AOC's Move on Thomas and Alito Has All the Right Historical Echoes |url=https://newrepublic.com/article/183762/aoc-impeachment-thomas-alito-historical-echoes |access-date=2024-07-14 |magazine=The New Republic |issn=0028-6583}}</ref> As of late July, 2024, nearly 1.4 million people had signed a [[moveon.org]] petition asking Congress to remove Justice Thomas.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/move-on-petition-to-impeach-justice-clarence-thomas-gets-1-4-million-signatures/ | title=Move-On petition to impeach Justice Clarence Thomas gets 1.4 million signatures | date=July 26, 2024 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://sign.moveon.org/petitions/clarence-thomas-must-go | title=Clarence Thomas must be removed from the Supreme Court! }}</ref>


President Biden proposed term limits for justices, an enforceable ethics code, and elimination of "immunity for crimes a former president committed while in office".<ref>{{Cite news |last=Biden |first=Joe |date=July 29, 2024 |title=Joe Biden: My plan to reform the Supreme Court and ensure no president is above the law |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/07/29/joe-biden-reform-supreme-court-presidential-immunity-plan-announcement/ |url-status=live |newspaper=The Washington Post |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240801043218/https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/07/29/joe-biden-reform-supreme-court-presidential-immunity-plan-announcement/ |archive-date=2024-08-01}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=July 29, 2024 |title=Biden calls for term limits, enforceable ethics rules for Supreme Court justices |url=https://www.npr.org/2024/07/29/nx-s1-5055094/biden-supreme-court |url-status=live |website=NPR |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240731093637/https://www.npr.org/2024/07/29/nx-s1-5055094/biden-supreme-court |archive-date=2024-07-31}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/29/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-bold-plan-to-reform-the-supreme-court-and-ensure-no-president-is-above-the-law/|title=FACT SHEET: President Biden Announces Bold Plan to Reform the Supreme Court and Ensure No President Is Above the Law|date=29 July 2024|website=Whitehouse.gov}}</ref>
President Biden proposed term limits for justices, an enforceable ethics code, and elimination of "immunity for crimes a former president committed while in office".<ref>{{Cite news |last=Biden |first=Joe |date=July 29, 2024 |title=Joe Biden: My plan to reform the Supreme Court and ensure no president is above the law |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/07/29/joe-biden-reform-supreme-court-presidential-immunity-plan-announcement/ |url-status=live |newspaper=The Washington Post |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240801043218/https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/07/29/joe-biden-reform-supreme-court-presidential-immunity-plan-announcement/ |archive-date=2024-08-01}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=July 29, 2024 |title=Biden calls for term limits, enforceable ethics rules for Supreme Court justices |url=https://www.npr.org/2024/07/29/nx-s1-5055094/biden-supreme-court |url-status=live |website=NPR |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240731093637/https://www.npr.org/2024/07/29/nx-s1-5055094/biden-supreme-court |archive-date=2024-07-31}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/29/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-bold-plan-to-reform-the-supreme-court-and-ensure-no-president-is-above-the-law/|title=FACT SHEET: President Biden Announces Bold Plan to Reform the Supreme Court and Ensure No President Is Above the Law|date=29 July 2024|website=Whitehouse.gov}}</ref>
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=== Ruling on political questions ===
=== Ruling on political questions ===
Some Court decisions have been criticized for injecting the court into the political arena, and deciding questions that are the purview of the elected branches of government. The ''Bush v. Gore'' decision, in which the Supreme Court intervened in the 2000 presidential election, awarding [[George W. Bush]] the presidency over [[Al Gore]], received scrutiny as political based on the controversial justifications used by the five conservative justices to elevate a fellow conservative to the presidency.<ref name="tws23oct12">{{cite news |last=Margolick |first=David |author-link=David Margolick |date=September 23, 2007 |title=Meet the Supremes |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/23/books/review/Margolick-t.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090411144020/http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/23/books/review/Margolick-t.html |archive-date=April 11, 2009 |access-date=October 23, 2009 |work=The New York Times |quote=Beat reporters and academics initially denounced the court's involvement in that case, its hastiness to enter the political thicket and the half-baked and strained decision that resulted...Toobin remains white-hot about it, calling it 'one of the lowest moments in the court’s history,' one that revealed the worst of just about everyone involved.}}</ref><ref name="tws23oct04"/><ref name="tws22oct40">{{cite web |last=McConnell |first=Michael W. |date=June 1, 2001 |title=Two-and-a-Half Cheers for Bush v Gore |url=http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=5105&context=uclrev |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160225133547/http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=5105&context=uclrev |archive-date=February 25, 2016 |access-date=February 16, 2016 |work=University of Chicago Law Review}}</ref><ref name="tws23oct01">{{cite news |author=CQ Transcriptions (Senator Kohl) |date=July 14, 2009 |title=Key Excerpt: Sotomayor on Bush v. Gore |url=http://voices.washingtonpost.com/supreme-court/2009/07/key_excerpt_sotomayor_on_bush.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110513210306/http://voices.washingtonpost.com/supreme-court/2009/07/key_excerpt_sotomayor_on_bush.html |archive-date=May 13, 2011 |access-date=October 23, 2009 |newspaper=The Washington Post |quote=Many critics saw the Bush v. Gore decision as an example of the judiciary improperly injecting itself into a political dispute"}}</ref><ref name="tws23oct08">{{cite news |author=Cohen |first=Adam |date=March 21, 2004 |title=Justice Rehnquist Writes on Hayes vs. Tilden, With His Mind on Bush v. Gore |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/03/21/opinion/21SUN4.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111524/http://www.nytimes.com/2004/03/21/opinion/21SUN4.html |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |access-date=October 23, 2009 |work=The New York Times |department=Opinion section |quote=The Bush v. Gore majority, made up of Mr. Rehnquist and his fellow conservatives, interpreted the equal protection clause in a sweeping way they had not before, and have not since. And they stated that the interpretation was 'limited to the present circumstances,' words that suggest a raw exercise of power, not legal analysis.}}</ref> The ruling was also controversial in applying logic only for that race, as opposed to drawing on or creating consistent precedent.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Millhiser |first=Ian |date=2024-10-28 |title=If Harris wins, will the Supreme Court steal the election for Trump? |url=https://www.vox.com/scotus/376150/supreme-court-bush-gore-harris-trump-coup-steal-election |access-date=2024-10-28 |website=Vox |language=en-US}}</ref>
Some Court decisions have been criticized for injecting the court into the political arena, and deciding questions that are the purview of the elected branches of government. The ''Bush v. Gore'' decision, in which the Supreme Court intervened in the 2000 presidential election, awarding George W. Bush the presidency over [[Al Gore]], received scrutiny as political based on the controversial justifications used by the five conservative justices to elevate a fellow conservative to the presidency.<ref name="tws23oct12">{{cite news |last=Margolick |first=David |author-link=David Margolick |date=September 23, 2007 |title=Meet the Supremes |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/23/books/review/Margolick-t.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090411144020/http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/23/books/review/Margolick-t.html |archive-date=April 11, 2009 |access-date=October 23, 2009 |work=The New York Times |quote=Beat reporters and academics initially denounced the court's involvement in that case, its hastiness to enter the political thicket and the half-baked and strained decision that resulted...Toobin remains white-hot about it, calling it 'one of the lowest moments in the court’s history,' one that revealed the worst of just about everyone involved.}}</ref><ref name="tws23oct04"/><ref name="tws22oct40">{{cite web |last=McConnell |first=Michael W. |date=June 1, 2001 |title=Two-and-a-Half Cheers for Bush v Gore |url=http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=5105&context=uclrev |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160225133547/http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=5105&context=uclrev |archive-date=February 25, 2016 |access-date=February 16, 2016 |work=University of Chicago Law Review}}</ref><ref name="tws23oct01">{{cite news |author=CQ Transcriptions (Senator Kohl) |date=July 14, 2009 |title=Key Excerpt: Sotomayor on Bush v. Gore |url=http://voices.washingtonpost.com/supreme-court/2009/07/key_excerpt_sotomayor_on_bush.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110513210306/http://voices.washingtonpost.com/supreme-court/2009/07/key_excerpt_sotomayor_on_bush.html |archive-date=May 13, 2011 |access-date=October 23, 2009 |newspaper=The Washington Post |quote=Many critics saw the Bush v. Gore decision as an example of the judiciary improperly injecting itself into a political dispute"}}</ref><ref name="tws23oct08">{{cite news |author=Cohen |first=Adam |date=March 21, 2004 |title=Justice Rehnquist Writes on Hayes vs. Tilden, With His Mind on Bush v. Gore |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/03/21/opinion/21SUN4.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110511111524/http://www.nytimes.com/2004/03/21/opinion/21SUN4.html |archive-date=May 11, 2011 |access-date=October 23, 2009 |work=The New York Times |department=Opinion section |quote=The Bush v. Gore majority, made up of Mr. Rehnquist and his fellow conservatives, interpreted the equal protection clause in a sweeping way they had not before, and have not since. And they stated that the interpretation was 'limited to the present circumstances,' words that suggest a raw exercise of power, not legal analysis.}}</ref> The ruling was also controversial in applying logic only for that race, as opposed to drawing on or creating consistent precedent.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Millhiser |first=Ian |date=2024-10-28 |title=If Harris wins, will the Supreme Court steal the election for Trump? |url=https://www.vox.com/scotus/376150/supreme-court-bush-gore-harris-trump-coup-steal-election |access-date=2024-10-28 |website=Vox |language=en-US}}</ref>


===Secretive proceedings===
===Secretive proceedings===